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Citi’s Odd Bonus Payment to Jack Lew

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It’s amusing to watch the Wall Street Journal editorial page try to pretend that the revolving door between Wall Street and the federal government is somehow a scandal restricted to the Democratic Party, but still, you have to admit that this tidbit about Jack Lew is damn odd:

The terms of Mr. Lew’s original employment contract with Citi included a bonus guarantee if he left the bank for a “high level position with the United States government or regulatory body.”

Most companies include incentives for top employees not to leave, but in this case the contract was written to reward Mr. Lew for treating the bank like a revolving door. Citi says it likes to accommodate employees who do public service or work at nonprofits. But the Lew contract was specific about a senior job in the federal government. There would be no special payout if he left to run the Red Cross or the New York state budget office.

Lew is a certified budget genius with many years of government experience, so it’s hardly a surprise that Citi expected that he might leave at some point. Still, what innocent explanation is there for actively encouraging him to leave? I’d certainly like to hear the reasoning behind this.

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Citi’s Odd Bonus Payment to Jack Lew

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"Friends of Hamas": World’s Dumbest Front Group?

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Apparently I missed the news that the latest right-wing conspiracy theory about Chuck Hagel is that he once received funding from an organization called “Friends of Hamas.” If you have a room temperature IQ, your first thought is that this is a distinctly unlikely name for a terrorist front group, sort of like the Third International trying to launder rubles into the hands of closeted communist sympathizers via a group called “Friends of Joe Stalin.” Probably not going to work.

But Dave Weigel, bless his hardworking heart, actually dug into this just to make sure. This is why he’s one of my favorite bloggers, though I worry sometimes about how long he can keep this up before his brain turns to tapioca. In any case, the answer seems to be just what you think it is: there’s no such group; the rumors appear to be just flatly made up; and they were first reported by (of course) Ben Shapiro. After that, all the usual suspects just decided to pile on because—well, because, why not? If it doesn’t work, they’ll just decide Hagel took money from “Friends of Pedophiles” or something.

Really, you can just say anything these days, can’t you? If you’re a conservative, anyway.

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"Friends of Hamas": World’s Dumbest Front Group?

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A Solar Plant the Size of 300 Football Fields

Julie W.

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A Solar Plant the Size of 300 Football Fields

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Letters to Newtown

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Editor’s note: This story was produced in partnership with Tumblr’s Storyboard. For more information about the Letters to Newtown project, and for additional images daily, follow our newly-launched Tumblr blog. What follows is an essay by Newtown resident Ross MacDonald.

Walk into the Newtown town hall and you see bin after bin of cards and lettersâ&#128;&#148;some 500,000 at least, more arriving every day. They line both sides of the long main hall, and fill up the branching halls and offices. Posters, paintings, quilts, and flags cover the walls. There are banners from students at Columbine and Virginia Tech; there are letters from school kids across America and from people as far away as France and Australia. And there are boxes of Kleenex on every table for those who read them.

We are overwhelmed. Residents like me, who were lucky enough to have our children come home that night; town leaders struggling to support the community and deal with the deluge of letters, toys, school supplies, and other donations sent to Newtown; and the volunteers who have been opening and sorting it all.

The spontaneous outdoor memorials that sprang up in Newtown after the shootingsâ&#128;&#148;the angels, teddy bears, Christmas trees, and other displaysâ&#128;&#148;became one of the symbols of this tragedy. But the many letters and cards and drawings that were mailed are less well known.

In their shock and grief, people were compelled to make these intensely raw, personal expressions, and send them to a town they probably hadn’t heard of before, not knowing if they would even reach us. They offered help, love, condolences, prayers. They came from children, parents, families, school classes, church groups, soldiers, mayors, survivors, inmates, and entire towns. The letters on display at town hall form a massive tapestry of a world’s sorrow.

When my wife and I visited them in early January, we ended up taking hundreds of photos, returning again and again. Others have been moved to do the same.

The town very respectfully cleared away most of the outdoor public memorials after a couple of weeks for incineration, the ash to be incorporated into a future permanent memorial site. When it announced that it would be doing the same with the cards and letters, we knew we had to try to save them. The town is emotionally overtaxed and lacks the funds and space to preserve them. But they are important to saveâ&#128;&#148;as an ongoing reminder of what happened and as a record of the world’s response.

So I reached out to the editors of Mother Jones, who’d published my account of the day of the shooting. They in turn reached out to Tumblr, and together we launched this project. We already have thousands of images, we’re gathering more, and we’ll be publishing batches every day until we run out. We have approached town officials about creating an extensive digital archive; it is my hope that we might also find a physical home for all these letters. Because the wisdom they express should not be lost to history. Take the words of one little girl named Brynn:

“Dear students and staff. I am sorry about your friends. I hope your school is safe from now on. I feel so bad for you. I don’t like to see people go. I am so sad. I wish people would stop being so mean.”

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Letters to Newtown

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New Study Finds NYC’s Crime Drop a Mystery. Is It?

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Violent crime in New York City has dropped 75 percent since the early 90s. The most common explanations include the introduction of “broken windows” policing in 1994, which focuses on stopping small crimes before they spiral into big ones; hot spot policing implemented via the CompStat system; more cops on the street; and higher incarceration rates. David Greenberg of NYU took a look at all of these explanations and found them wanting:

The study, which appears in the journal Justice Quarterly, did not find a link between arrests on misdemeanor charges and drops in felonies, such as homicides, robberies, and assaults….The analysis also showed no relationship between the number of police officers per capita at the precinct level and the reduction of violent crime, nor did it find a link between admissions to prison and violent crime rates….The analysis showed that violent crime rates (homicide, aggravated assault, forcible rape, and robbery) and property crime rates did not significantly decrease after the implementation of CompStatâ&#128;&#148;in fact, both continued on a consistent downward slope beginning in the early 1990s.

These are all topics that have been the subject of considerable debate for years, and since I don’t have access to the full paper, I can’t assess how good Greenberg’s methodology is. Nonetheless, I suspect that he’s more right than wrong. Even if all these things had some effect, the evidence mostly suggests the effect is nowhere big enough to account for the huge drop in crime that New York has seen. Still:

“The decline in crime was a real one during this period, but the question is ‘Why?’ ” said Greenberg, adding that many other major cities, including San Diego and Los Angeles, experienced similar reductions during this period.

Yep. And Canadian cities too. Plus cities in Britain, Germany, Australia, and Finland. Broken windows policing certainly can’t explain that. But I assume that all loyal readers of this blog know what can. Right?

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New Study Finds NYC’s Crime Drop a Mystery. Is It?

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The 12 Most Threatening People on the NRA’s Enemies List

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Back in September, in an effort to prove…we’re not exactly sure what, the National Rifle Association published a list of some several-hundred non-profits, celebrities, companies, and news organizations that “have lent monetary, grassroots or some other type of direct support to anti-gun organizations.” Daily Kos, which drew attention to the list Friday morning, calls it “nuts,” which is certainly one way of looking at it.

The NRA doesn’t offer any explanation of its selection process, or why they think it’s a compelling argument to call attention to the fact that the Civil Rights organization founded by Martin Luther King Jr. opposes what the NRA does. But maybe they’re on to something.

Here are 12 of the most terrifying people and groups on the NRA’s list:

Carrie Fisher. Daughter of a Jedi.

Henry Winkler. Literally jumped a shark one time.

Mennonite Central Committee. You know who else had a central committee?

Barry Manilow. Is Barry Manilow.

The Temptations. Deliver us from them.

Motorcycle Cruiser Magazine. Basically what it sounds like.

Central Conference of American Rabbis. Ditto.

Mary Lou Retton. Her medal may be gold, but her bullets are lead.

Tara Lipinski. Actually wears knives on the bottom of her shoes.

Boys II Men. sic

Bob Barker. QED:

Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We don’t actually have a joke here. How can you put the SCLC on your enemies list?

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The 12 Most Threatening People on the NRA’s Enemies List

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"Our Sassy Black Friend" Jamaica Kincaid

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Jamaica Kincaid’s office at Claremont-McKenna college, where she is a literature professor, is filled with hints of her political leanings. There’s an Obama mug, a statuette of the Lincoln memorial, andâ&#128;&#148;”just for provocation,” she insistsâ&#128;&#148;a miniature bust of Karl Marx. When I showed up to interview her a few weeks before the election, and the topic inevitably arose, Kincaid paused abruptly and looked down at her outfit in mock horror. “I’m not wearing my Obama T-shirt!” she exclaimed. “I rushed out of the house! This is seriousâ&#128;&#148;it’s a talisman. I wear it every day.”

Her political sensibilities are not surprising, given the prominence of class and race in her work, not to mention her personal history. Born Elaine Potter Richardson in colonial Antigua, Kincaid came to the United States at 16, sent by her cash-strapped family to work as an au pair in Scarsdale, the tony New York City suburb. By 25, Kincaid had landed a staff writer job at The New Yorker, where she would remain for 20 years. Now 63, she has churned out a dozen booksâ&#128;&#148;including Annie John, Mr. Potter, and Autobiography of My Motherâ&#128;&#148;hauled in countless awards, and, to top it off, has stayed startlingly hip: She’s hooked on Game of Thrones and Homeland, and when her cellphone goes off, the ringtone is Jay-Z and Kanye’s “Ni**as in Paris.”

Out next week, her new book, See Now Then, reveals just how current she really is. Her first novel in nearly a decade, it is very loosely based on the dissolution of her marriage to composer Allen Shawn (son of William, former editor of the New Yorker.) It’s a stark, modern anatomy of married life that packs in everything from a cross-dressing neighbor to a Nintendo-junkie son. In our wide-ranging chat, Kincaid talked about her motherly shortcomings, converting to Judaism, and her brief career singing backup for a celebrity drag queen.

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"Our Sassy Black Friend" Jamaica Kincaid

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In 2012, the House GOP Blocked the Violence Against Women Act. Will They Do It Again?

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Congress is giving preventing violence against women another try.

On Tuesday, Senators Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) and Mike Crapo (R-Id.) reintroduced the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act. Previous reauthorizations of the Violence Against Women Act have passed with overwhelming bipartisan support, but when the 1994 act, known as VAWA, needed to be reauthorized for a third time last year, the House GOP blocked it.

Many Republicans opposed about the bill’s increased number of visas for undocumented victims of domestic violence, its extension of tribal authority over non-tribe members who abuse their Indian partners, or its establishment of employment protections for gay and lesbian domestic violence workers. But the GOP’s main talking point against the bill was procedural: Pointing to an application fee for visas for undocumented immigrants of domestic violence, Republicans said the bill raised revenue. The Constitution requires bills that raise revenue to originate in the House, not the Senate.

The new version of the bill resolves the House GOP’s procedural objection by removing the portion that would have increased the number of special visas alotted for undocumented immigrant victims of domestic violence. Law enforcement uses them to grant legal status to undocumented victims so that those victims can assist in prosecuting their attackers, who might otherwise use their lack of legal status as leverage to keep them silent. There is a cap of 10,000 of these “U visas” a year, and the government consistently hits the cap. Although the visas themselves are handed out by law enforcement, and the increased number of visas would have come from unused visas in past years, Republicans objected to the increased number as an invitation for fraud. “Caps are a way to control the flow of people. They are a stop-gap measure against fraud,” Senator Chuck Grassely (R-Iowa) said in a floor speech against the bill last year.

Nevertheless, women’s rights activists are supporting the new version of the bill, citing other provisions in the bill helping immigrant victims of domestic violence and a promise from Senator Leahy to use a potential immigration reform bill to address the U visa issue. “Does it thrill us that the U visa piece is not in there? Absolutely not,” says Lisalyn Jacobs of the women’s rights group Legal Momentum. “Are we sanguine about it, because we think we can now get a bill over to the House they can act on we hope? Yes.”

Although Leahy and Crapo’s new version of the bill resolves House Republicans’ procedural objection, it’s unclear whether the House GOP will back it. The House version of the bill was reintroduced with no Republican cosponsors. Anti-domestic violence campaigners have resolved to press on regardless.

“There is no excuse to let VAWA reauthorization continue to drag on, especially when you see what is happening around the world, when you see what’s happening in India, when you see what happened in Steubenville,” says Rosie Hidalgo of Casa Esperanza, a group focused on domestic violence in the Latino community. “To have our own Congress unable to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act sends the wrong message.”

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In 2012, the House GOP Blocked the Violence Against Women Act. Will They Do It Again?

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Gun-Rights Activists Take Aim at Cops With Misleading Video

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A video circulating on the Internet this month has gotten tea partiers and other conservative activists riled up over what they see as the never-ending assault on the right to bear arms, particularly with the Obama administration mobilizing on gun control. The video (below) shows a man getting stopped by Citrus County, Florida, Deputy Sheriff Andy Cox for having expired tags on his van. After the man gets out of the car and futzes around to find his license, proof of insurance and registration, the officer notices that the man has a gun on his hip and asks, “What are you carrying a gun for?” The man answers, “I always carry a gun.” At which point the officer quickly gets agitated and demands that he turn around and face the van, or “I’ll shoot you in the back.” The officer then orders the man to the ground, handcuffs him, and calls for backup.

Gun-rights activists have seized on the video as an example of how they are the persecuted, innocent victims of overzealous law enforcement, and they’re using it to support a larger crusade: Ensuring that police officers can never take action against anyone simply because they’re carrying a gun. Which is what the activists are implying happened here. The problem is, the man in the video in fact ran afoul of a state gun law, although Florida authorities declined to prosecute him for it.

Gun-rights activists posted the video online in early January and it has since gone viral—but the incident actually took place in July 2009, a fact they don’t bother to mention. Yet, the date is key: The man in the video, Joel Edmond Smith, was arrested and charged with a violation of what was then the state’s “open carry” prohibition. At the time of his arrest, it was illegal for someone—even with a valid concealed weapon permit—to display a gun openly in public, which Smith did accidentally when he was trying to get his paperwork out of his van. The state legislature changed the law in 2011 so that an accidental display of a legal concealed weapon is no longer a criminal offense, but in 2009, Cox still had solid legal justification for arresting Smith. Nonetheless, the state’s attorney didn’t see the charges against Smith as sufficiently serious to warrant prosecution and they were dropped shortly after he was arrested.

Those facts haven’t stopped gun-rights activists in the past week from urging supporters to call the sheriff’s department and ask that Cox be fired. They’ve done so in the thousands, according to Detective Corey Davidson, an internal affairs investigator with the Citrus County sheriff’s department. Davidson said Cox was placed on paid administrative leave about a week ago, and that the department is investigating the incident (again). He said the department never released the video and that it is unclear how it got out or why it started circulating this month. He added that the man arrested in the video has never made any complaints against the department. (Davidson would not release the defendant’s name because of the investigation, but it’s been circulating on the Internet and is listed in county arrest records.)

The officer’s treatment of Smith, who had a valid concealed weapons permit, may not have been model policing, but his reaction was understandable: According to the Violence Policy Center, at least 14 law enforcement officers have been killed by people legally carrying concealed weapons since May 2007, two of them in Florida. In several of these shootings, the officers were killed while conducting routine traffic stops like the one in the video.

The video appears to have been first posted by Sean Caranna, the executive director of Florida Carry, a major figure in the state fighting for the right for people to carry guns in public. Activists like Caranna want to change the law to ensure that cops can’t confront or search anyone for carrying a gun in public—whether or not that gun may be illegally possessed. Florida Carry is involved in a legal case pending in the Florida Supreme Court that would decide whether the mere presence of a gun on someone’s person can constitute a reasonable suspicion to justify an officer making an investigatory stop or search. A victory for gun activists could make it extremely difficult for law enforcement in the state to crack down on illegal guns and the crime associated with them.

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Gun-Rights Activists Take Aim at Cops With Misleading Video

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Income Inequality and Economic Growth

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Does rising income inequality place a drag on economic growth? Joe Stiglitz says yes, and the basic argument is pretty simple: the poor and middle class tend to spend nearly 100% of their income while the rich spend much less of it. To see how this works, suppose you have two people in an economy with total income of $100. Now take a look at two different scenarios:

  1. Rich guy has $60 and poor guy has $40. Rich guy spends half his income and poor guy spends all of it, for total consumption of $70.
  2. Rich guy has $80 and poor guy has $20. Rich guy spends half his income and poor guy spends all of it, for total consumption of $60.

This sounds pretty plausible, doesn’t it? Higher inequality should generate less consumption, which in turn produces a weaker economy. Unfortunately, the data says something else. “I wish I could sign on to this thesis,” says Paul Krugman, “and I’d be politically very comfortable if I could. But I can’t see how this works.”

Me neither. I spent a couple of months trying to write a magazine piece based on this thesis, and I finally gave up. By the time I was done, I just didn’t believe it. So I gave up and spiked the idea.

Still, there are other ways that income inequality can hurt the economy. Krugman, for example, buys the idea that high inequality fosters financial crises, and when I was done with my research I found that an intriguing hypothesis too. There’s a pretty compelling argument to be made that rising inequality simultaneously puts pressure on the middle class to borrow more (in order to maintain steadily improving lifestyles even with stagnant incomes) and on the rich to lend more (they have to do something with all that extra money they’re hauling in, after all). So the rich lend money to the non-rich, but as the debt loads of the non-rich grow they become less and less able to afford more borrowing. That produces (a) government policies that help to sustain the credit bubble and (b) ever more baroque financial instruments to convince the rich that their lending is still safe. Eventually, however, it all collapses.

Matt Yglesias proposes another way in which inequality hurts economic growth:

My conjecture would be that high levels of inequality greatly complicate the political economy of expansionary policy….To the extent that you have a lot of inequality, your politics is naturally going to be more focused on questions of distribution than expansion. I think you saw that in liberal hostility to even temporary expansion of the Bush tax cuts and even more clearly in things like the GOP turn against Making Work Pay and the payroll tax cut.

Maybe! The poor want to stick it to the rich even if that hurts economic recovery, and the rich want to stick it to the poor because….something. The motivation there is less clear, actually. Empirically, though, it sure seems to be the case. There’s not much question that in America, anyway, the party of the rich is distinctly non-thrilled with tax cuts that primarily benefit the poor and the middle class.

In the end, I find all of this compelling but still pretty speculative. In the meantime, there are plenty of reasons to oppose growing income inequality even if it doesn’t directly hurt economic growth. I might change my mind later, but for now I think those reasons will have to do.

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Income Inequality and Economic Growth

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