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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for December 28, 2012

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Lance Cpl. Edgar Jimenezrojas, a military policeman assigned to Afghan National Civil Order Police Advisory Team, 2nd Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment, remains vigilant while conducting a dismounted patrol near Forward Operating Base Now Zad, Helmand province, Afghanistan, Dec. 18, 2012.
U.S. Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Alejandro Pena.

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for December 28, 2012

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What "Happy Feet Two" Star Matt Damon Taught Me About Fracking

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Promised Land
Focus Features
106 minutes

If Matt Damon & Co. really wanted to make a movie that would scare American audiences off of fracking for good, they should have just made a movie dramatizing fracking’s potential threat to America’s beer. Instead, what we get is a quaint love story wrapped in a conspiracy movie, draped in a toothless political polemic, festooned with mawkish aimlessness.

It didn’t have to be this way. Promised Land‘s script was originally developed with Dave Eggers, the acclaimed, award-winning author. The film offers the considerable acting skills of Damon, Frances McDormand, Rosemarie DeWitt, Hal Holbrook, John Krasinski, and Scoot McNairy. And, due to the hotly controversial issue of hydraulic fracturing for natural gas, the movie has had the honor of being slammed by the Heritage Foundation and petroleum lobbyists.

Promised Land is also directed by Gus Van Sant, a man who has a keen artist’s eye for both mainstream fare and indie grit. (Yes, Van Sant and Damon are reunited, so beware of the lame and painfully obvious Good Will Fracking headlines.)

See? Nothing but good résumés and intriguing publicity behind this movie. And yet it putters out into both embarrassment and creative lethargy, fueled (if that’s the term I want) by an acute lack of focus and commitment. Promised Land struggles to compel just as much as it fails to inform. By the film’s end, Matt Damon will have taught you precisely two things about fracking: That it’s bad for cows, and even worse for heartfelt dramatic monologues delivered by Matt Damon.

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What "Happy Feet Two" Star Matt Damon Taught Me About Fracking

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Meat company sues USDA to speed up horse meat sales

Meat company sues USDA to speed up horse meat sales

A lot of people are pretty upset about the fact that we are still without a new farm bill. But no one is upset in quite the same way as this New Mexico man who is suing the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Humane Society of the United States, and other people who are standing in the way of him slaughtering and selling horses.

A provision passed last year might’ve effectively made horse slaughter legal for the first time in five years, but it turns out the feds are not exactly chomping at the bit to get back to inspecting those slaughterhouses. There’s no telling whether a new farm bill would restore a ban on the practice by defunding the USDA inspections. (The House has recommended that, but the Senate hasn’t.)

Rick de los Santos and his Valley Meat Company want to force the USDA to allow the country’s first horse meat operation since 2007. But it’s hard out there for a guy who wants to profit off of horse meat. The Los Angeles Times reports:

After waiting a year for permits, De los Santos, 52, says he’s using the courts to force the U.S. Department of Agriculture to resume inspections necessary to open what would be the nation’s first new horse slaughterhouse since 2007.

“I’ve submitted all the paperwork and have been told all along ‘Oh, it won’t be long now,’” said De los Santos, who owns Valley Meat Co. “I followed all their guidelines. I put more than $100,000 in upgrades and additions on my facilities to handle equine slaughter. And then the government comes back and tells me, ‘We can’t give you the permits. This horse issue has turned into a political game.’

“So what else do you do? I figured it was time to go to court.”

Another idea for something to do: not open a horse slaughterhouse?

The U.S. has been without them since the feds defunded USDA inspection of horse meat facilities in 2006. The last three slaughterhouses paid their own million-dollar inspection bills until closing.

Horses aren’t any more or less sustainable than the other hoofed animals we raise for meat, though we inexplicably love them more. De los Santos makes solid arguments for humane slaughter stateside as opposed to the current system of shipping animals to dirtier deaths in other countries, where horse meat is socially acceptable. (This argument being a slippery slope toward dog burgers, cat stews, and A Modest Proposal.)

The USDA has until January to respond to the suit, and we have until any day now to stop eating so dang many hoofed animals of any kind.

Susie Cagle writes and draws news for Grist. She also writes and draws tweets for

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Meat company sues USDA to speed up horse meat sales

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The Whole Six Yards

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Have you always wondered where the phrase “the whole nine yards” comes from? You’re not alone. “For decades,” says Jennifer Schuessler of the New York Times, “the answer to that question has been the Bigfoot of word origins.”

And that’s true. Back before I knew this was a controversy, I simply assumed the phrase derived from the game of football. Why? Because I had always heard it used a bit sarcastically, suggesting that if you gave something “the whole nine yards,” you weren’t really putting in enough effort to get the job done. This naturally suggested a football origin.

That’s wrong, it turns out, but no one really knows the actual origin of the phrase. Until now! Recent research suggests that the meaning of “nine yards” is….nothing. It’s just “numerical phrase inflation.” Click the link for the whole deflating story.

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The Whole Six Yards

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A Question From the Staff of the Mother Jones Irvine Bowl

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Browsing through the sports section this morning, I came across this sentence:

UCLA brings plenty of offense to the Bridgepoint Education Holiday Bowl on Thursday night in San Diego….

I’ve been wondering for a while how it is that newspapers got bullied into using the full, sponsored names for bowl games. I understand why TV announcers do it: I assume they’re contractually obligated to use the sponsor’s name. But what’s everyone else’s excuse? Why not just call it the Holiday Bowl and let the TV guys do all the water carrying for the corporate sponsors? Ditto for every other bowl that actually has a name. Does anyone know how and when this entered the stylebooks of our nation’s print media?

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A Question From the Staff of the Mother Jones Irvine Bowl

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David Corn Talks FreedomWorks Feud on Hardball and NPR

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The drama just won’t stop at FreedomWorks. On Monday, Mother Jones DC bureau chief David Corn revealed that after former GOP Rep. Dick Armey left the tea party group in early December, Armey’s allies on the board launched a legal probe into the group, and FreedomWorks’ president fired back with allegations that Armey had betrayed the organization’s mission. Wednesday, the Washington Post published a riveting account of Armey’s alleged attempted coup, complete with a gun-wielding “assistant.” And later that day, Corn revealed the identity of that gunman. Corn discussed the scandal on Hardball with Chris Matthews, and with Robert Siegel on NPR. Listen to the NPR segment here. Watch Corn on MSNBC here:

For more of David Corn’s stories, click here. He’s also on Twitter.

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David Corn Talks FreedomWorks Feud on Hardball and NPR

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Dick Armey Reveals the Identity of His Mysterious Gunman at FreedomWorks

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On Wednesday, the Washington Post published a riveting account of the feud within FreedomWorks, disclosing that arch-libertarian Richard Stephenson, a reclusive millionaire, was the secret source of $12 million the tea party group used to help Republican candidates in the fall election. But what grabbed the most attention was the story’s recounting of a contentious September 4 meeting in which former GOP Rep. Dick Armey, then the chair of FreedomWorks, brought a gun-wielding “assistant” to the offices of FreedomWorks. Referring to Matt Kibbe, the president of FreedomWorks, and Adam Brandon, its senior vice president, the newspaper reported:

Richard K. Armey, the group’s chairman and a former House majority leader, walked into the group’s Capitol Hill offices with his wife, Susan, and an aide holstering a handgun at his waist. The aim was to seize control of the group and expel Armey’s enemies: The gun-wielding assistant escorted FreedomWorks’ top two employees off the premises, while Armey suspended several others who broke down in sobs at the news.

This sort of drama does not happen often in Washington, and the Post did not identify the guy with the gun. But Armey tells Mother Jones that this episode has been hyped up by his FreedomWorks foes, and he says the not-so-mysterious gun-touting assistant was a former Capitol Hill police officer named Beau Singleton, who used to be part of Armey’s congressional security detail and who has volunteered his security services to Armey and FreedomWorks for years. “He was well-known to the people at FreedomWorks,” Armey says. “He has provided me personal security on many occasions when I was in Washington.” Singleton also oversaw security for FreedomWorks in September 2009 when it organized a large rally in Washington. Singleton, Armey says, is authorized to carry a gun, but he does so in a back holster that cannot be seen by an onlooker. “I was unaware he had a gun [at the meeting],” Armey maintains. “He kept it under his coat in the back….But the news looks like Armey came in there like John Dillinger, all guns a-blazing. That was false.”

Armey says that his wife, Susan, and his assistant, Jean Campbell, were concerned about a FreedomWorks official losing his temper at this meeting and suggested that Singleton join Armey and the two of them on this trip to the group’s office. But he insists there was nothing odd with him showing up at FreedomWorks with Singleton by his side.

Singleton, 56, confirms Armey’s account. He says that he has known Kibbe and Brandon for years and that he had often “been around” at FreedomWorks. He adds that during the meeting between Armey and Kibbe, he “just observed. I was just kind of there….I can’t see why they would act like I was menacing.” In the Post‘s account, the unnamed gunman escorted Kibbe and Brandon off the premises, but Singleton says he did no such thing. “Whatever problem they had with FreedomWorks, I had no issues with them….I was not used to get them out of the office.”

This latest tale of the war at FreedomWorks is an indication of how bad the blood has become. This man-with-a-gun story, which would seem to benefit Kibbe’s side, comes after Mother Jones revealed that board members C. Boyden Gray and James Burnley IV recently initiated a legal investigation of alleged wrongdoing at FreedomWorks and that Kibbe, in response, drafted a memo accusing Armey, Gray, and Burnley of mounting a “hostile takeover” of the group in order to make it part of the Republican establishment. There’s no telling if FreedomWorks, an important outfit for the tea party, can survive this civil war. But there probably are more leaks to come.

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Dick Armey Reveals the Identity of His Mysterious Gunman at FreedomWorks

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A Wee Comparison of Civil Liberties in the United States of America

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Compare and contrast. Here is how seriously we take civil liberties when the subject can be plausibly labeled terrorism:

[New rules] allow the little-known National Counterterrorism Center to examine the government files of U.S. citizens for possible criminal behavior, even if there is no reason to suspect them. That is a departure from past practice, which barred the agency from storing information about ordinary Americans unless a person was a terror suspect or related to an investigation.

Now, NCTC can copy entire government databases—flight records, casino-employee lists, the names of Americans hosting foreign-exchange students and many others. The agency has new authority to keep data about innocent U.S. citizens for up to five years, and to analyze it for suspicious patterns of behavior. Previously, both were prohibited.

And here is how seriously we take civil liberties when gun ownership is involved in any way, shape, or form:

Under current laws the bureau is prohibited from creating a federal registry of gun transactions….When law enforcement officers recover a gun and serial number, workers at the bureau’s National Tracing Center here — a windowless warehouse-style building on a narrow road outside town — begin making their way through a series of phone calls, asking first the manufacturer, then the wholesaler and finally the dealer to search their files to identify the buyer of the firearm.

….The Firearm Owners Protection Act of 1986, for example, prohibits A.T.F. agents from making more than one unannounced inspection per year of licensed gun dealers. The law also reduced the falsification of records by dealers to a misdemeanor….The most recent Tiahrt amendment, adopted in 2010…requires that records of background checks of gun buyers be destroyed within 24 hours of approval. Advocates of tighter regulation say this makes it harder to identify dealers who falsify records or buyers who make “straw” purchases for others.

So that’s where we are. The federal government can swoop up enormous databases, keep them for years, and data mine them to its heart’s content if it has even the slightest suspicion of terrorist activity. Objections? None to speak of, despite the fact that terrorism claims only a handful of American lives per year. But information related to guns? That couldn’t be more different. Background checks are destroyed within 24 hours, serial numbers of firearms aren’t kept in a central database at all, and gun dealers can barely even be monitored. All this despite the fact that we record more than 10,000 gun-related homicides every year.

Compare and contrast.

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A Wee Comparison of Civil Liberties in the United States of America

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