Author Archives: NielPostma231

No Need to Panic About the Sequester Yet

The resolution of the fiscal cliff crisis drained so much energy from both Congress and the president that they agreed to punt on the sequester, a set of automatic $1 trillion spending cuts agreed to in 2011. But they didn’t punt for long: the sequester was only delayed until March 1. Today is February 7.

This doesn’t especially bother me. If there’s a deal to be made on the sequester, it won’t get made until February 28. Maybe even a few days later. By Washington standards, three weeks from a drop-dead date is essentially infinity, so the fact that no deal seems to be in sight is hardly surprising.

However, Stan Collender came back today from his monthly breakfast meeting of inside-the-beltway budget wonks and reports that the consensus of his group is that “the current situation is as complex, hard to read, and even harder to predict than any they’ve ever seen.” In particular, here’s why he thinks a resolution of the sequester showdown is unlikely:

This week’s proposal from the White House to delay the sequester and substitute a combination of revenue increases and other spending cuts in the meantime was rejected by House and Senate Republicans almost instantly. A Senate Republican preference to substitute more domestic reductions for the military cuts is a nonstarter with Senate Democrats. And the House Republican preference to substitute Medicare and Medicaid changes for the sequester reductions has been rejected by House and Senate Democrats.

A backup plan being discussed by Senate Republicans that would keep the sequester in place but give the departments and agencies flexibility in how they may be achieved is just as confusing but for a very different reason. The flexibility the Senate GOP wants is not acceptable to House Republicans because they’re afraid that the Obama administration will use the flexibility to cut programs, projects, and activities in Republican-held districts while adding funds in those represented by Democrats.

Meanwhile, the word from the White House is that it doesn’t want the flexibility the Senate GOP wants to provide because that could leave it open to criticism from those whose programs are cut rather than saved. The administration’s reasoning apparently is that the very strict sequester spending cut formula will mean that it cannot be blamed for the results if sequestration happens.

In a nutshell, we seem to be in a situation where the sequester, as bad as it is, is less bad than all of the alternatives. Republicans don’t want more defense cuts; Democrats don’t want more domestic cuts; and neither side wants the president to have more flexibility. And of course, simply doing away with the sequester entirely for a couple of years, which is by far the smartest option, is completely off the table. The wise men of Washington, along with the flamethrowers in the GOP, simply can’t be convinced that budget deficits are a good thing to have right now, even though all the evidence in the world points in that direction.

Still, although everyone may seem intransigent at the moment, there’s actually good reason to suspect that there are growing cracks in the GOP position. It’s not February 28th yet. No need to panic until then.

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No Need to Panic About the Sequester Yet

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TransCanada is getting everyone it knows to hustle Obama on Keystone

TransCanada is getting everyone it knows to hustle Obama on Keystone

TransCanada and its allies have reached the “begging” stage of their lobbying for the Keystone XL pipeline. (The preceding stage was “obfuscation”; the final stage is “giving up and moving to space.”)

This morning, the CEO of the company met with a key State Department official. From The Hill:

CEO Russ Girling is scheduled to meet in the afternoon with Kerri-Ann Jones, who is the department’s assistant secretary for oceans and international environmental and scientific affairs. …

Secretary of State John Kerry, at his recent Senate confirmation hearing, kept his cards close to the vest when asked about his views on the pipeline.

Girling told Bloomberg Wednesday that he expects the project will be approved “very soon” and that he suspects “we’re looking at anything from a few weeks to a couple of months.”

The mention of Kerry there is important. It’s a reminder that Jones isn’t the decision-maker. And that Kerry’s not either. Ultimately, approval comes down to the president, who I suspect won’t spend a lot of time reviewing Jones’ notes from this meeting. And what’s Girling going to say in this confab anyway? “Hey, come on. Pleeeeeease? Pleeeeeeeeeeeeease?” It’s not a great argument, but at this point it’s probably the best he’s got.

qodio

The president talks pipes.

Meanwhile, some of Girling’s friends are blustering about the pipeline over on Capitol Hill. Again from The Hill, which is going wall-to-wall on the issue:

All 25 Republicans on the House Foreign Affairs Committee urged approval of the Keystone XL oil sands pipeline in a Thursday letter to President Obama.

“Our economy can no longer be put on hold while the bureaucratic process you set in motion jeopardizes this critical project. You can guarantee Americans the jobs they deserve, and prevent our national security from being undermined, with a simple stroke of the pen. We urge you to do so now,” the lawmakers wrote.

Yes, Mr. President! Take our economy off hold! You know how every time you go to the grocery store or try to buy something online, you get that message that says, “I’m sorry, your transaction cannot be completed because the President has halted all economic activity”? That’s because of the pipeline.

What’s interesting about this situation — and what’s probably fun for the president — is that the tables have turned. This time, it’s Congress that’s ineffectually calling for something to happen while Obama holds all the cards.

Maybe that’s why we shouldn’t expect a decision before June: Obama’s savoring it.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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U.S. lags woefully behind other rich countries on energy taxes

U.S. lags woefully behind other rich countries on energy taxes

Americans spent $16 billion last year bailing out farmers affected by the drought. Which might lead a sensible person to wonder whether farmers advocate policies meant to prevent future droughts, thereby potentially saving money — and their yields — over the long run.

The New York Times offers an answer:

To understand the complicated politics of climate change in the United States, you may want to talk to Pamela Johnson, president of the National Corn Growers Association’s Corn Board. …

Ms. Johnson’s main concern, and that of most other growers in the association, is not about how to deal with a changing climate — how to slow the pace of warming and how to adapt to a warmer world with more erratic weather.

Rather, growers worry that political support for crop insurance might flag after a year in which taxpayers paid billions in subsidies to farmers while virtually everybody else faced deep budget cuts.

“We are Americans before we are farmers,” Ms. Johnson said. “We know we have budget problems.” Still, she added: “For our farmers, crop insurance is the main concern. It helps keep us in business.”

The Times article focuses on the failure of the U.S. to use energy-related taxes, like a carbon tax, to address climate change. While such a tax couldn’t “single-handedly” win the fight, as the article claims, it could certainly have an effect.

Among the 34 industrialized nations of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, these taxes average about $68.4 per metric ton of carbon dioxide. The United States, by contrast, has a gas tax to pay for highway improvement, and that’s about it. Total federal taxes on energy amount to $6.30 per ton.

Some states add excise taxes — California has a gas tax equivalent to about $46.50 per ton of carbon dioxide and a $2.33-per-ton tax on jet kerosene. But, according to a review by the O.E.C.D., the [U.S.] federal government is unique in imposing no taxes on other energy use, from residential heating to power generation. …

[A carbon tax] would raise lots of money. Estimates reviewed in a report by the Tax Policy Center ranged from 0.6 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product — for a tax of $20 per ton of carbon dioxide — to 1.6 percent of G.D.P. for a tax of $41 per ton. Consider this: 1.6 percent of G.D.P. is $240 billion a year. And $41 per ton amounts to an extra 35 cents a gallon of gas.

It’s an interesting discussion, and the accompanying graph of carbon taxes in 34 countries provides context for America’s failure to act. (At least we’re doing better than Mexico!)

But it’s a futile point to make. First, as we’ve noted before, there is very, very little political will to enact a tax on carbon pollution. Despite optimism in some sectors — like in the office of Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) — a tax on carbon wouldn’t get out of the Senate, much less the far-more-conservative House.

Politicians won’t act in part because of the second reason a carbon tax is doomed: It’s considered anathema to business growth. Take Pamela Johnson of the Corn Grower’s Association:

“Farmers would be deeply affected by an energy tax,” Ms. Johnson said.

As things stand for them, it is probably cheaper to deal with the occasional drought.

Cheaper for the farmers — if not for the Department of Agriculture, which finds its wallet $16 billion lighter.

Update: A just-released poll from Friends of the Earth suggests that voters strongly support a carbon tax when asked — even when hearing arguments against such a policy. I suspect that this doesn’t change the politics articulated above to any great degree.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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17 Creative Ways To Re-Use Your Phone Book

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Shell wins prestigious award for ineptitude

Shell wins prestigious award for ineptitude

Quick word of congratulations to our friends at Shell. Yesterday, the company was awarded the Public Eye People’s Award for 2013 — making it (as far as I can tell) the first two-time winner of this estimable honor, having also won in 2005.

What’s the Public Eye Award? From the website for this esteemed prize:

The Public Eye Awards mark a critical counterpoint to the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos. Organized since 2000 by Berne Declaration and Friends of the Earth (in 2009 replaced by Greenpeace), Public Eye reminds the corporate world that social and environmental misdeeds have consequences – for the affected people and territory, but also for the reputation of the offender.

Emphasis added.

infomatique

Guilty … of winning awards!

And why did Shell earn top honors? (Well, alongside Goldman Sachs.) (I accidentally typed “Goldamn Sachs” and thought briefly about keeping that.)

Shell is always involved in particularly controversial, risky and dirty oil production projects. Thus, this Dutch-British corporation, chosen by online users for the public naming and shaming award, is also out in front in the highly risky search for fossil fuels in the fragile Arctic. This has been made possible by climate change and the disappearance of the Arctic ice cap, to which Shell has contributed. Every Arctic offshore oil project means new CO2 emissions. The Arctic’s oil reserves are enough for just three years. For this, Shell is jeopardising one of the Earth’s last natural paradises and endangering the living space of four million people, as well as unique fauna.

The celebratory announcement then walks through the company’s litany of 2012 screw-ups, with which you may already be familiar.

It’s not only Greenpeace that’s celebrating the company. Shell is also a finalist for a very, very, very prestigious (and presumably non-ironic) “Oil and Gas Award” from the oil and gas industry — one of only 130 oil and gas companies to be so named. So that’s pretty impressive, too.

While we don’t sit on the jury for either award, we think Shell deserves both. We are often hard on Shell, sometimes letting our dislike of rampant fossil-fuel extraction, our frustration with runaway oil consumption, our skepticism of rapacious profit-seeking while accepting federal subsidization color our perspective. But no company more deserves accolades from the industry that celebrates those traits and mockery from those who oppose them.

Here’s hoping they don’t repeat in 2014.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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Yes, There’s a Business Model for Immense Riches With No Effort

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This is so weird that I just have to comment on it. Via Tyler Cowen, it’s Bruce Sterling, arguing that true artificial intelligence isn’t in our future:

We’re no closer to “self-aware” machines than we were in the remote 1960s. Modern wireless devices in a modern Cloud are an entirely different cyber-paradigm than imaginary 1990s “minds on nonbiological substrates” that might allegedly have the “computational power of a human brain.” A Singularity has no business model, no major power group in our society is interested in provoking one, nobody who matters sees any reason to create one, there’s no there there.

Obviously I don’t know any more than you do about whether or not we’ll eventually create true AI. But no business model? Nobody interested in creating it? Nobody who even sees any reason to create it?

Huh? The business value of true AI is immense beyond measure. If you had it, you could run your business better than anyone else and far more profitably since you’d no longer need any human labor. And even if that weren’t true, there are loads of people interested in creating it regardless. It doesn’t even matter if there’s a reason to create it. Lots of people are working their way toward that goal anyway.

I’m genuinely stonkered by this. If we never achieve true AI, it will be because it’s technologically beyond our reach for some reason. It sure won’t be because nobody’s interested and nobody sees any way to make money out of it.

(As for the Singularity, a hypothesized future of runaway technological advancement caused by better and better AI, who knows? It might be the end result of AI, or it might not. But if it happens, it will be a natural evolution of AI, not something that happens because someone came up with a business model for it.)

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Lead and Crime: A Response to Jim Manzi

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A couple of days ago Jim Manzi posted a long and technical critique of my hypothesis that gasoline lead is strongly linked to the rise and fall of violent crime that we’ve experienced over the past half century. (Detailed in “Criminal Element” in our current issue.) It’s the kind of critique that probably ought to be addressed by an expert, but unfortunately there don’t seem to be any in my living room at the moment. Just me. So I’m going to respond myself, and hopefully others may respond in their own way later on.

A quick note: I spoke to Manzi while I was preparing my article on the lead-crime hypothesis, and I’ve also read Uncontrolled, his excellent book about the inherent problems with econometric analysis (review here). So I’m not surprised that he has some pushback. Nonetheless, I think he pushes back too much.

The rest of this is likely to get long and a little wonky, and it doesn’t contain any fascinating new factlets about lead that I left out of my magazine piece. For that reason, I’m going to put it below the fold. However, if you make it all the way to the end, there’s an irony to our disagreement that you might find amusing. Click the link for more.

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Understanding the Debt Ceiling Showdown: Default vs. "Default"

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If congressional Republicans refuse to raise the debt ceiling, does this mean the United States will default? Brit Hume says no. Bob Somerby wonders if he’s right:

Is is true? is our use of the term “default” just a bit of scare talk?….Millions of people are being told that we won’t go into true “default” if the debt limit stays where it is—and millions more have no idea what the term “default” means.

This is something that’s the object of some slippery language lately. If the debt ceiling isn’t raised, then government spending will be limited to the amount that it brings in via tax receipts. Give or take a bit, this amounts to $200 billion per month. The president will have to decide how to spend this money, and everyone agrees that his first priority has to be interest payments to bondholders, which comes to only about $20 billion per month. In other words, there’s no chance at all that the United States will go into default in the usual financial meaning of the word.

However, if, like Paul Krugman, you talk about the United States “defaulting on many of its obligations,” you’re using the word in a more everyday sense. The federal budget allocates money for various purposes, and there are lots of people who are counting on getting that money. But if spending is limited to $200 billion per month, some of them won’t.

So: we won’t default on bond payments, but we will “default” on some portion of federal spending that’s already been authorized.

Krugman calls the Republican debt ceiling threat “vile.” If we hit the debt ceiling, he says, “This would have disastrous effects on financial markets, the economy, and our standing in the world. Yet Republicans are threatening to trigger this disaster unless they get spending cuts that they weren’t able to enact through normal, Constitutional means. Republicans go wild at this analogy, but it’s unavoidable. This is exactly like someone walking into a crowded room, announcing that he has a bomb strapped to his chest, and threatening to set that bomb off unless his demands are met.”

Is this right? I’d say so. If Republicans want to play hardball on budget cutting, they have a perfectly normal, well-accepted way of doing that: during the budget process. If they don’t get their way on spending, they can refuse to pass a budget. This would require the president to start shutting down government programs, which is exactly what he’ll have to do if the debt limit isn’t raised.

So why is one vile while the other is merely reckless? That’s simple: In the case of a budget showdown, Republicans would be refusing to authorize new spending. But in the case of the debt ceiling, Republicans would be explicitly refusing to pay bills they’ve already run up. This is the action of a banana republic, not the most powerful nation on earth, one whose reliability and good word is crucial to the orderly workings of global financial markets.

It’s one thing to disagree about which programs should be funded and the level of that funding. That’s ordinary politics. Shutting down the government over that disagreement may be reckless, hardball politics, but that’s all it is. But refusing to pay bills for goods and services you’ve already purchased? Refusing to pay out money to individuals and businesses who you’ve previously promised to pay and who are counting on those payments because, after all, whose word is better than the United States government? That’s a whole different thing. And that’s vile.

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Understanding the Debt Ceiling Showdown: Default vs. "Default"

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Russ Feingold: Democrats Sold Out in 2012 and Need to Quit Big Money

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President Obama’s decision to let his 2013 inauguration committee accept corporate cash and million-dollar donations marks quite a reversal for the president: for his first inaugural in 2009, he capped individual donations at $50,000 and banned corporate money. The Associated Press calls the decision “part of a continuing erosion of Obama’s pledge to keep donors and special interests at arm’s length of his presidency.” But for former Sen. Russ Feingold, it’s yet another sell-out by his friends in the Democratic Party to the big-money forces so dominant in politics today.

No Democrat has so publicly ripped his own party for embracing super-PACs and dark-money nonprofits than Feingold. In a new article for the journal Democracy, Feingold, who co-wrote the 2002 McCain-Feingold Act, the last major campaign finance restriction in the US, takes Democrats to the mat. He calls 2012 “a big step” back for Democratic-led efforts to get big money out of politics, and singles out Obama’s reversal on super-PACs. In February 2012, the president encouraged his donors to give to Priorities USA Action, the super-PAC backing him, while allowing his top deputies to appear at Priorities events. On the PBS NewsHour, top Obama strategist David Axelrod defended Obama by saying that the president hadn’t warned at all toward super-PACs but had to play by the rules of the game. You heard that a lot from Democrats in 2012. Yet with statements like that, Feingold says, Democrats were posing as a pro-reform party while tripping over themselves to “exploit any avenue to accept unlimited, corporate dollars to fund elections.”

Beltway Democrats, Feingold argues, aren’t going to reform big-money politics from the inside; they’re addicted and they just can’t quit. The task of fighting for real reforms to money in politics, of building what Feingold—who now runs his own pro-reform nonprofit, Progressives United—calls a “permanent majority” for reform, falls instead to liberal donors and activists outside of Washington.

Feingold says the most important thing big donors can do is stop giving—to super-PACs or any of the other Citizens United-enabled fixtures of our big-money politics. “Donors hold more leverage to create a movement for reform than almost any other actor in the political system,” he says. If donors ignore super-PACs and nonprofits, “Washington will notice.” And as for the liberal activists out there, they should redirect all the energy they’ve invested into passing a constitutional amendment reversing the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision and channel it into “achievable goals”—public financing of elections, disclosure of donors to dark-money nonprofits and shell corporations, overhauling the dysfunctional Federal Election Commission, the nation’s top elections cop.

The stakes are high, in Feingold’s view, for the Democrats. “Unless Democrats embrace election reform as a central tenet of our platform,” he writes, “we will face another era reminiscent of soft money—when the dominance of corporate interests meant that no matter what party held power, the influence of Big Money always won.”

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Chart of the Day: Deficit Reduction So Far = $2.4 Trillion

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Michael Linden and Michael Ettlinger provide us today with a handy chart of all the deficit reduction we’ve implemented over the past couple of years. In all, we’ve reduced spending by $1.8 trillion and increased taxes by $600 billion, for a total of $2.4 trillion. More details here. This may not be the grand bargain of Beltway dreams, but it’s pretty good progress in a short period of time.

And three-quarters of it has been from spending cuts. If you’re wondering why President Obama thinks the sequestration negotiations should include a balance of both spending reductions and tax increases, now you know.

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Chart of the Day: Deficit Reduction So Far = $2.4 Trillion

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