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Microsoft Announced Some Stuff Yesterday

by StellaAnderson Posted on October 7, 2015

Mother Jones

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Yesterday really highlighted the difference between Apple PR and Microsoft PR. Last month, I started hearing about Apple’s big product announcement at least a week before it happened. By the time Der Tag rolled around I had read at least a dozen previews, and on the day itself practically everyone was not just reporting on it, but liveblogging it, tweeting it, Instagramming it, and just generally going bananas. And that was for an announcement that turned out to be fairly unexciting.

On Tuesday, Microsoft put on its big product announcement show. I had no idea it was on the calendar. I hadn’t read a word about it beforehand. On the day itself, my Twitter feed was silent. The front pages of newspapers were busy with other things. And that’s despite the fact that Microsoft was actually introducing some fairly cool stuff.

(Note: this is not meant as an Apple vs. Windows fight. If you think nothing related to Windows could ever be cool, that’s fine.)

But it also highlighted how far from the mainstream my tastes seem to be. One of Microsoft’s announcements, for example, was a new notebook with a detachable screen that can be used as a tablet. Ho hum. There are dozens of those around. Except for one thing: this notebook screen has 267 ppi resolution, which means you can actually use it as a tablet without your eyes going cockeyed. But that got hardly any attention at all. Why? Am I the only one who’s been waiting for a genuinely high-res Windows tablet? And even if I am, why else would anyone even care about this new laptop? It’s expensive and otherwise not especially noteworthy.

Ditto for the new Surface Pro 4. It’s slightly bigger and a bit lighter than the old Surface Pro, and it sports faster processors. That’s all fine, though nothing to shout about. But! Its screen is super high-res, just like the notebook. I’ve been pining away for this for years. I want one. And I have a birthday coming up.

So that’s question #1: Does the rest of the world think that 200 ppi is basically fine? I mean, it is fine, in a way. I use a 200 ppi tablet all the time, and it’s OK. But it’s not great. Surely this deserves more attention, especially since Retina displays have been a selling point on iPads for a long time.

Question #2: Still no GPS? Come on. What would it take, a ten-dollar chip plus an antenna? On a tablet that costs a thousand bucks, you’d think Microsoft could spring for this. But maybe no one cares. Am I the only person who thinks it’s sometimes useful to use a big tablet rather than a tiny phone to display maps? Unfortunately, I can rarely do that because you need GPS for it to work. (Or, alternatively, some way to tap into my phone’s GPS, the same way I tap into its internet connection via WiFi.)

And now for Question #3. Let’s let Slate’s Will Oremus set the stage:

The Surface Pro 4 nominally starts at $899, but that’s without a keyboard, or the fast processor, or any of the other goodies that make the Surface a viable PC. Realistically, it’s going to run you well over $1,000 and will top $1,500 fully loaded. So, yes, it had better replace your PC.

What’s the deal with the continuing obsession over fast processors? I’ve been using Windows tablets with crappy Atom processors for a couple of years, and never had any complaints. I could easily use any of them as my primary desktop machine. The lowest-end processor on the Surface 4 is quite a bit faster than an Atom SOC, so why all the angst over needing something even better?

Obviously there are exceptions. If you’re doing software builds or heavy-duty video editing or high-end gaming, you’ll want lots of memory and the fastest processor you can get. But you’re probably not going to do any of those things on a tablet anyway, no matter how good it is. For all the ordinary stuff we white-collar worker types do—spreadsheets, word processing, email, web browsing, etc.—just about any modern processor will work fine. Why sweat it?

(More generally, Oremus is right about the price, though. You’ll need a keyboard and a docking station if you plan to use a tablet as your primary machine. That will push the Surface Pro 4 up to $1,200 or so even at the low end.)

And what the hell, as long as I’m on the subject, here’s Question #4: why are Macs so popular among journalists? Back in the day, Macs had real advantages in display graphics, which led to the development of lots of image editing and page makeup software for Macs. That made them very popular with graphic artists. But writers? Word processing is word processing. A cheap notebook does it as well as an expensive one. So why did journalists migrate to Macs in such numbers? Anyone have any idea?

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Microsoft Announced Some Stuff Yesterday

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Quote of the Day: You’d Have to Be Nuts to Want a Leadership Role in the Republican Party

by UIVJodiexgz Posted on October 7, 2015

Mother Jones

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We all know that John Boehner quit the speakership because he was finally fed up trying to deal with the lunatics in his own party. But how about some of the tea party darlings, like Trey Gowdy or Paul Ryan? Apparently they feel about the same:

Gowdy insists he’s not interested in joining leadership, not in any capacity. He is funny, and biting, about the chaos of the present House.

“I don’t have a background in mental health, so I wouldn’t have the right qualifications to lead right now,” he says. Who wants you to be in leadership? “No friend does,” he says.

….“To me, just speaking as one member, the smartest kid in the class is Paul Ryan,” Gowdy said. “If I had one draft choice and I was starting a new country, I would draft Paul to run it. Not because I agree with him on everything, but because he’s super, super smart. And when someone is super, super smart and is not interested, that tells you something. It tells me a lot.”

By coincidence, this is sort of related to the conservative fantasy I talked about in the previous post. Folks like Gowdy and Ryan are smart enough to see it too, even though they’re both stone conservatives themselves. A leadership role wouldn’t give them the power to actually implement the conservative agenda, but too many conservatives these days don’t care. They’re living the fantasy that if only their leaders fought hard enough, they could win. So when they don’t win, it must mean that they didn’t fight very hard. Right now, there’s just no way to puncture that fantasy.

And why the squirrel illustration? Nothing to do with Gowdy or Ryan or the tea party or conservatives being squirrely or nuts. Honest! This is just our household squirrel, who was outside feeding his face a few minutes ago. So I went out and took his picture. And speaking of squirrels, here’s an interesting squirrel factlet: if you Google “squirrel saying,” 7 of the top 20 hits are about the difficulties that German speakers have saying “squirrel.”

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Quote of the Day: You’d Have to Be Nuts to Want a Leadership Role in the Republican Party

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Paul Krugman Explains the Latest Draft of the TPP

by LachlanPartlow Posted on October 6, 2015

Mother Jones

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Suppose there’s a complex public policy proposal being debated and you want to know where you should stand. However, you really don’t want to devote a huge amount of time to diving into all the details. There are just so many hours in the day, after all.

One possibility is to simply see what people on your side of the tribal divide think about it. But that’s surprisingly unreliable. A better approach is to take a look at who’s opposed to the proposal. That’s what Paul Krugman does today regarding the final draft of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement:

What I know so far: pharma is mad because the extension of property rights in biologics is much shorter than it wanted, tobacco is mad because it has been carved out of the dispute settlement deal, and Rs in general are mad because the labor protection stuff is stronger than expected….I find myself thinking of Grossman and Helpman’s work on the political economy of free trade agreements, in which they conclude, based on a highly stylized but nonetheless interesting model of special interest politics, that

An FTA is most likely to be politically viable exactly when it would be socially harmful.

The TPP looks better than it did, which infuriates much of Congress.

Krugman describes himself as a “lukewarm opponent” of TPP who now needs to do some more homework. I’d probably call myself a lukewarm supporter. One reason is that the dispute resolution provisions, which provoked a lot of anger on the left, never struck me as either unusual or all that objectionable in practice. The IP stuff bothered me more, and that’s been improved a bit in the final draft. It’s still not great, but it’s not quite as horrible as before. So you can probably now count me as a slightly stronger supporter.

But I wonder what Republicans will do? They’re the ones who are ideologically on the side of trade agreements, and they’ve spent a lot of time berating President Obama for not putting more effort into trade deals. But with campaign season heating up, it’s become more toxic than ever to support any initiative of Obama’s. Plus Donald Trump is busily working his supporters into a lather about TPP. I wouldn’t be surprised to see quite a few defections from the Republican ranks.

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Paul Krugman Explains the Latest Draft of the TPP

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The Photos That Helped End Child Labor in the United States

by GustavoAstudill Posted on October 3, 2015

Mother Jones

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In the early 1900s, Lewis Hine left his job as a schoolteacher to work as a photographer for the National Child Labor Committee, investigating and documenting child labor in the United States. As a sociologist, Hine was an early believer in the power of photography to document work conditions and help bring about change. He traveled the country, going to fields, factories, and mines—sometimes working undercover—to take pictures of kids as young as four years old being put to work.

Partly as a result of Hine’s work (as well as that of Mary Harris Jones, who Mother Jones is named after), Congress passed the Keating-Owens Child Labor Act in 1916. It established child labor standards, including a a minimum age (14 years old for factories, and 16 years old for mines) and an eight-hour workday. It also barred kids under the age of 16 from working overnight. However, the Keating-Owens Act was later ruled unconstitutional, and lasting reform to federal child labor laws didn’t come until the New Deal.

In 2004, retired social worker Joe Manning set out to see what had happened to as many of the kids in Hine’s photos as he could find. He’s documented his findings—showing the lives of hundreds of subjects—on his website, MorningsOnMapleStreet.com.

Breaker boys who worked in Ewen Breaker of Pennsylvania Coal Company, South Pittston, Pennsylvania

A group of breaker boys in Pittston, Pennsylvania. The smallest is Sam Belloma.

A young driver in Brown Mine in Brown, West Virginia. Hine said the boy had been driving one year, working from 7 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. daily.

A tipple boy working at Turkey Knob Mine in MacDonald, West Virginia.

A trapper boy working in the Turkey Knob Mine in Macdonald, West Virginia. The boy had to stoop because of the low roof. This photo was taken more than a mile inside the mine.

Drivers in a coal mine in West Virginia

Vance, a trapper boy, was 15 years old when this photo was taken. He was paid 75 cents a day for 10 hours of work. His job was to open and shut this door. Because of the intense darkness in the mine, the writing on the door was not visible until plate was developed.

A view of Pennsylvania Coal Company’s Ewen Breaker in South Pittson, Pennsylvania. The dust was so dense at times, it was difficult to see, Hine wrote. A man sometimes stood over the boys, prodding or kicking them, the photographer wrote.

Noon at Pennsylvania Coal Company’s Ewen Breaker in South Pittston

A young leader and a driver for the Pennsylvania Coal Company worked in Shaft #6 in South Pittson. The workers are Pasquale Salvo and Sandy Castina.

At the end of the day, workers for the Pennsylvania Coal Company waited for the cage to go up at Shaft #6 in South Pittson, Pennsylvania. The small boy in front is Jo Pume, a nipper.

A photo of a miner boy named Frank as he was going home. At the time, he was about 14 years old. He had worked in the mine for three years helping his father pick and load. He was in the hospital one year, after his leg was crushed by a coal car, Hine wrote.

Workers at the end of the day in a Pennsylvania coal mine. The smallest boy, near the far right, is a nipper. On his right is Arthur, a driver. Jo, on Arthur’s right, is a nipper. Frank, the boy on the left end of the photo, is a nipper and works a mile underground from the shaft, which is 5,000 feet down.

James O’Dell helped push these heavily loaded cars. He appears to be about 12 or 13 years old, Hine wrote. James worked at Knoxville Iron Co.’s Cross Mountain Mine, which is in the vicinity of Coal Creek, Tennessee. James had been there four months.

Shorpy Higginbotham was a greaser at Bessie Mine in Alabama, working for the Sloss-Sheffield Steel and Iron Company. Hine said the boy told him that he was 14 years old, but Hine suspected the boy wasn’t telling the truth. At work, Shorpy carried two heavy pails of grease and was often in danger of being run over by the coal cars.

A greaser at Bessie Mine in Alabama

Harry and Sallie. Harry was a driver for the Maryland Coal Co. Mine, which was near Grafton, West Virginia. Hine said the boy was afraid of being photographed because he might be forced to go to school. Harry was probably 12 years old, Hine wrote.

Tom Vitol (also called Dominick Dekatis) was photographed in Hughestown Burough, Pittston, Pennsylvania. He worked in Breaker #9 and was probably younger than 14 years old, Hine wrote.

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The Photos That Helped End Child Labor in the United States

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Mother of Cincinnati Police Shooting Victim Calls for Justice in This Heart-Wrenching Statement

by CharlaEdman Posted on July 29, 2015

Mother Jones

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The grief-stricken family of Samuel DuBose, a 43-year-old black man who was shot and killed by University of Cincinnati police officer Ray Tensing during a July 19 traffic stop, held an emotional press conference Tuesday following the county prosecutor’s announcement that Tensing would be indicted on a murder charge.

DuBose’s sister Tiera Allen said the release of Tensing’s body-cam video helped vindicate her brother and would make sure he wasn’t painted as a “thug in the neighborhood.” The family’s lawyer, Mark O’Mara, spoke of the need for the community to react to the news in a “peaceful and nonaggressive” way. But the most stirring comments came from DuBose’s mother, Audrey DuBose.

“I’m so thankful that everything was uncovered,” she said. “Because I’ve been a servant of the Lord for as long as I’ve been living on Earth. I know the Lord, and I know the wrath of God. Also, I know the love of God. I just thank God everything is being revealed. I knew that he loved my child. I knew that this was going to be uncovered.”

Later, she read from Psalm 93: “The seas have lifted up, Lord, the seas have lifted up their pounding waves. Mightier than the thunder of the great waters, mightier than the breaker of the sea—the Lord on high is mighty,” she recited.

Earlier this month, Tensing pulled over Samuel DuBose for driving without a front license plate. During the stop, DuBose produced a bottle of alcohol and failed to give the officer his driver’s license. The rest of the details of the shooting were somewhat vague until Tensing’s body-cam footage was released today as Hamilton County prosecutor Joe Deters announced Tensing’s indictment.

“I can forgive him,” Audrey DuBose said of Tensing. “I can forgive anybody. God forgave us.”

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Mother of Cincinnati Police Shooting Victim Calls for Justice in This Heart-Wrenching Statement

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Everyone Wants to Leave No Child Left Behind Behind

by SherriMokare Posted on July 16, 2015

Mother Jones

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Charles Dharapak/AP

In 2000, George W. Bush took the stage at the NAACP’s annual convention and laid out, for the first time ever, an education policy overhaul he called No Child Left Behind. “Strong civil rights enforcement will be the cornerstone of my administration,” the Texas governor and presidential candidate announced to thunderous applause. “I will confront another form of bias: the soft bigotry of low expectations.”

Fifteen years later, NCLB is recognized less for its civil rights origins than for the era of high-stakes testing it ushered into American classrooms. Teachers have complained about having to teach to flawed and limited tests, and schools whose test scores have failed to meet the program’s test-based benchmarks have lost funding and in many cases have been closed or privatized.

After years of frustration with the program, Congress is weighing two bills to revamp it. And while the general consensus is that NCLB needs to change, the proposed measures are as politically thorny as the program itself. Both advocates of strong federal efforts to ensure education equality and opponents of a federally imposed testing regime have taken swipes at the legislation, raising the likely prospect that the reforms to NCLB won’t satisfy its defenders or its critics.

Related: Is there any relief in sight for our overtested kids?

“If you believe that the federal government ought to take a stronger hand in school curricula or testing, you’re going to be disappointed,” says Peter Cookson, a program director at the American Institutes for Research and author of Class Rules: Exposing Inequality in America’s High Schools. “On the other hand, if you’re the kind of person who think the federal government has too much authority over local and regional state education, this is not a game changer.”

The House and Senate introduced parallel bills last week, both of which maintain the current testing schedule—students take federally mandated tests annually in grades three through eight and once in high school—and give states more agency over how to hold schools accountable. The two bills also limit the role of the education secretary, who currently grants waivers that release states from NCLB’s unrealistic test-score targets in exchange for meeting other requirements, thereby ending their obligation to tie teacher evaluations to test scores in order to receive federal education dollars.

The House’s Student Success Act, which passed last week by a narrow margin of 218-213, with 27 Republicans joining all Democrats in opposition, has little chance of becoming law as is. A provision known as portability, whereby federal funding for low-income districts follows poor students from school to school instead of remaining within the neediest districts, is a non-starter for Democrats who want to maintain funding for struggling schools. President Obama has said he won’t sign a bill that takes funds away from “poor kids and poor districts.”

The more moderate Senate bill, introduced by Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-T.N.) and Sen. Patty Murray (D-W.A.) has broader support. “If you think the federal government should make sure that we’re not letting kids fall in the cracks, if you think the federal government should make sure there is transparency, if you think that the federal funds ought to continue to flow to support low income children, then the Senate bill does all of those things,” says Rick Hess, director of education policy studies at the conservative-leaning American Enterprise Institute.

But outside of conservative circles, much criticism of the Every Child Achieves Act remains. The goal of the overhaul is to mitigate the over-reliance on testing while holding schools accountable, particularly for the education of minorities, students with disabilities, English language learners, and low-income students. The emerging consensus is that legislation falls short on both counts.

“This feels like a lost opportunity,” says Chad Aldeman of Bellweather Education Partners, a nonprofit education research and consulting firm. “The bill does not reduce testing, and while it does reduce the stakes of testing, it doesn’t direct states to develop new accountability systems.” Aldeman fears that with reduced federal oversight, “Many states will have a very loose, fluffy system in place, and that’s where I worry that disadvantaged students in particular will just get lost in the system—nobody is looking out for them.”

Julian Vasquez Heilig, a professor of education at California State University and critic of NCLB’s top-down, narrow testing regime, says the Senate bill merely takes the federal government out of the equation without putting something better in its place, such as a community-based approach to school reform. “One of the challenges of the current bill is that it just reduces the federal role,” he says. “It doesn’t change the paradigm. It doesn’t change the status quo.”

Civil rights advocates have split into two camps on NCLB—and both are critical of the proposed legislation. Some groups, such as the NAACP, worry that it will roll back important gains by undoing accountability measures tied to testing such as identifying low performing schools. Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) echoed this concern last week when the bill was first presented. “We cannot now be damned by the self-defeating state of low expectations for ourselves and all of our children,” he said. “Kids who languish in this other America because of a lack of compassion and support and investment, they cannot now be seen to have less accountability for their success.” Booker and other democrats presented a test-based accountability provision, which aimed to address this fear, however it failed during a vote on Wednesday.

The proposed measure had been opposed by the National Education Association as well as the second camp of civil rights groups who have argued that testing is not a form of accountability and has in fact placed an undue burden on minority students, who get bogged down in a disproportionate share of assessments. According to the Center for American Progress, urban high school students, who tend to be minorities, spend 266 percent more time on district-mandated exams than suburban students.

The Journey for Justice Alliance, a coalition of about 40 organizations who represent parents and students of color in 23 states, sent a letter last week to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Minority Leader Harry Reid, urging them to move away from a reliance on tests. “Black and Latino families want world class public schools for our children, just as white and affluent families do,” the letter states. “We want quality and stability. We want a varied and rich curriculum in our schools. We don’t want them closed or privatized. We want to spend our days learning, creating and debating, not preparing for test after test.”

The Senate voted Wednesday to end debate on its bill but will continue hearing amendments and is expected to take a final vote by the end of the week. If it passes, the House and Senate bills will go to a conference committee, where a bipartisan team of legislators from both chambers will hash out the details of a final bill to send to President Obama for a signature. But the legislation’s perceived shortcomings could prevent it from making it that far: Education Secretary Arne Duncan told the New York Times there is a “40-60 chance” that the bill will make its way to the president’s desk.

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Everyone Wants to Leave No Child Left Behind Behind

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Al Franken Wants to Ban Bullying of LGBT Students. Will Republicans Let Him?

by ModestoRoland Posted on July 14, 2015

Mother Jones

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Every congressional session for the past five years, Sen. Al Franken (D-Minn.) has introduced legislation to protect LGBT students from harassment and bullying at public schools. Every time, it hasn’t so much as received a vote on the Senate floor. But on Tuesday, Franken thinks his long-suffering bill might finally win passage.

Since 2010, Franken has introduced the Student Non-Discrimination Act, a simple measure that would prohibit discrimination based on gender identity or sexual orientation—just as schools are already required to prevent discrimination due to sex, religion, or race. School administrators would be “expected to step in and set a policy that kids can’t do this,” Franken said in an interview with Mother Jones on Monday. “They can’t bully kids because they’re LGBT. If they do, they’ll be told not to and face disciplinary action just like a kid who bullies kids because they’re black, or because they’re Asian, or because they have a disability.”

It wouldn’t be just kid-on-kid harassment that Franken’s bill would ban; school officials themselves wouldn’t be able to treat LGBT students differently based on their identities. Public schools would no longer be able to bar students from attending prom with a same-sex date, for example.

According to his Franken’s office, the measure is schedule to be voted on Tuesday as an amendment to the Senate’s bill to amend No Child Left Behind. “In the last Congress we got 64 votes in the Senate for ENDA—that’s the Employment Non-Discrimination Act—and that is basically setting the same rights to adults that here we’re trying to extend to kids. This, to me, is a lower bar. I think that we can do this,” Franken says. “I think that it will be a close vote, the make-up of the Senate has changed since the last Senate, but I don’t quite understand why my colleagues would not extend these rights to children.”

Despite that optimism, it’s unclear whether enough Republicans will line up to support Franken’s measure on Tuesday. So far just one Republican, Sen. Mark Kirk of Illinois, has signed on as a co-sponsor. “I’m going to be certainly lobbying my colleagues and try to convince them that we’re senators, but we’re also grown-ups, and we should be there for these kids,” Franken says. “Think about your own kid, going to school with anticipation or going to school with fear.”

During a speech on the Senate floor Monday afternoon, Franken offered a litany of statistics showing why LGBT students need extra protection from harassment. About three out of four LGBT students reported verbal harassment in a 2013 National School Climate survey. From that same study, 35 percent said they suffered a physical assault at school, and almost a third missed at least a day of school within the month of the survey due to fear for their safety. “You can’t learn when you’re afraid, when you dread going to school,” Franken told Mother Jones. He says he became fully invested in solving the problem after a raft of suicides of LGBT student and other bullied teenagers hit the Anoka-Hennepin County school district in Minnesota from 2009 to 2011.

Even if Franken’s amendment passes the Senate, it’d still have to clear the House during reconciliation, when Congress will try to merge competing education reform bills. Colorado Democrat Jared Polis put forward the same measure when the House debated a reauthorization of the education bill last week, but Republican leaders in the chamber declined to put it up for a vote. But Franken is hopeful, he says, since the White House has been “very supportive” of the measure and would help push it during reconciliation.

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Al Franken Wants to Ban Bullying of LGBT Students. Will Republicans Let Him?

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The Harvard Medical School Guide to a Good Night’s Sleep – Lawrence Epstein & Steven Mardon

by Myrna Posted on June 8, 2015

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The Harvard Medical School Guide to a Good Night’s Sleep
Lawrence Epstein & Steven Mardon

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Publish Date: October 16, 2006

Publisher: McGraw-Hill Education

Seller: The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.


Put your sleep problems to rest with this proven six-step plan How many times have you heard it&apos;s important to get a good night&apos;s sleep? It sounds simple, but it isn&apos;t always easy. Now one of the nation&apos;s leading sleep experts gives you a step-by-step program for overcoming sleep problems from insomnia and snoring to restless legs syndrome and sleep apnea. Dr. Lawrence Epstein of Harvard Medical School reveals his proven six-step plan to maximize your nights and energize your days. He explains the health benefits of sleep and identifies signs of sleep problems as he gives in-depth advice on how to: Turn your bedroom into the optimal sleep environmentFinally overcome insomniaSilence buzz-saw snoringRelax restless legsDeal with daytime exhaustionDetermine if sleep medication is right for youImprove your sleep by improving your child&apos;s sleep

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The Harvard Medical School Guide to a Good Night’s Sleep – Lawrence Epstein & Steven Mardon

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"Everything Could Be Taken Away From Me": Watch This Woman Bravely Fight an Anti-Transgender Bill

by DarellPinto Posted on March 25, 2015

Mother Jones

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As Florida lawmakers continue to consider a bill aiming to make it a criminal act for transgender people to use the bathroom of their choice, we’d like to direct your attention to Cindy Sullivan, who spoke out against the bill in incredibly brave and emotional testimony earlier this month.

“I see this bill as effecting not just my business but my partner’s business,” Sullivan said. “If I go to use the restroom, everybody in that restroom has the ability to sue me and my family, affect my child, affect my reputation. Everything could be taken away from me.”

“You could put me in jail for being me!”

As her tears well, Sullivan repeatedly looks behind her shoulder, as the bill’s sponsor, state representative Frank Artiles watches on.

House Bill 583 has already been approved by two subcommittees and is expected to be reviewed by the house judiciary committee later this week. In Kentucky and Texas, lawmakers are attempting to pass similar anti-transgender legislation. All three states have the support and financial backing of the Alliance Defending Freedom, an influential conservative group.

Sullivan, who began her testimony noting she too was a Republican, slammed the bill as “government intrusion at its worst.”

“I’m a throw-away piece of trash, in this country of freedom, and liberty, and respect.”

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"Everything Could Be Taken Away From Me": Watch This Woman Bravely Fight an Anti-Transgender Bill

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Family Stages Elaborate, Insane Kidnapping to Teach "Nice" 6-Year Old Not to Talk to Strangers

by EduardoQ85 Posted on February 6, 2015

Mother Jones

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A 6-year-old boy’s mother, grandmother, and aunt have all been arrested after they orchestrated an elaborate kidnapping scheme, one that lasted for four hours and involved a very real handgun, to teach the boy a lesson about why it’s dangerous to talk to strangers.

Lincoln County police say the fake abduction was put into action on Monday after the Missouri family became gravely concerned that the boy was just “too nice” for his own good. The family also convinced a 23-year-old male friend of the aunt’s, Nathan Firoved, to get in on the action as their lead kidnapper. From NBC:

On Monday, Firoved allegedly kidnapped the child after he got off a school bus and said he would never “see his mommy again,” authorities said. Firoved also showed a handgun to the now-sobbing boy, then drove around in his truck, and finally tied him up and covered his face with a jacket when the child wouldn’t stop crying.

Firoved proceeded to blindfold the boy and place his feet into plastic bags, before driving back to the boy’s home. There, the aunt allegedly pulled down the boy’s pants and threatened to put him into “sex slavery.” Moments later, surprise! The boy became privy to the fact the whole terrifying ordeal was just a crafty hoax and that his own family was in fact far more dangerous than a true kidnapper.

The family has been charged with a host of charges, including felony kidnapping and abuse. They deny any wrongdoing.

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Family Stages Elaborate, Insane Kidnapping to Teach "Nice" 6-Year Old Not to Talk to Strangers

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