Tag Archives: courts

Watch: San Francisco Celebrates Proposition 8 and Defense of Marriage Act Decisions

Mother Jones

<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC “-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN” “http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd”>

Hundreds gathered at San Francisco’s City Hall this morning to witness announcements of the Supreme Court’s historic rulings which overturned California’s Proposition 8 and the Defense of Marriage Act. Proposition 8, which banned gay marriage in California in 2008, began its path to the Supreme Court with the help of San Francisco city attorneys. On August 19, 2009 the City and County of San Francisco joined as coplaintiffs challenging the Prop 8 ballot measure. Watch as city officials greet the crowd and gay couples celebrate their renewed right to marry in California.

Note: There were audio recording issues during the final interview, most likely caused by jubilant celebration.

Source:  

Watch: San Francisco Celebrates Proposition 8 and Defense of Marriage Act Decisions

Posted in FF, GE, ONA, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on Watch: San Francisco Celebrates Proposition 8 and Defense of Marriage Act Decisions

Supreme Court Rules on DOMA and Prop 8: A Great Day to Be Gay

Mother Jones

<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC “-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN” “http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd”>

More Mother Jones coverage of gay rights and marriage equality


Supreme Court Rules on DOMA and Prop 8: A Great Day to Be Gay


The Best (or Worst) Lines From Scalia’s Angry Dissent on the Supreme Court’s Defense of Marriage Act Ruling


Here Are the 7 Worst Things Antonin Scalia Has Said or Written About Homosexuality


Which Politicians Supported Gay Marriage and When?


What the Gay-Marriage Ruling Means for Immigration Reform


VIDEO: The 5 Most Comically Bad Anti-Gay Ads, Ever


Mac McClelland on Gay Rights in Uganda


Gay by Choice? The Science of Sexual Identity


Gay by Choice? Yeah, What If?

In a pair of decisions on Wednesday, the Supreme Court handed marriage equality supporters major victories, striking down the federal Defense of Marriage Act and paving the way for same-sex marriages to resume in California.

The 5-4 decision in the DOMA case deemed the 17-year-old measure that President Bill Clinton signed into law unconstitutional because it denies equal protection rights to same-sex couples who are legally married under state law. The case, Windsor v. United States, involved Edith Windsor, a lesbian whose partner of 40 years died in 2009. Under DOMA, the federal government didn’t recognize their marriage, which meant Windsor was unable to claim tax benefits provided to heterosexual couples and was left with a large estate tax bill. (See Adam Serwer’s explanation of the case.)

“DOMA contrives to deprive some couples married under the laws of their State, but not other couples, of both rights and responsibilities,” Justice Anthony Kennedy declared in the majority opinion.

Continue Reading »

See original article: 

Supreme Court Rules on DOMA and Prop 8: A Great Day to Be Gay

Posted in FF, GE, ONA, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , | Comments Off on Supreme Court Rules on DOMA and Prop 8: A Great Day to Be Gay

NSA Yanks Fact Sheet Containing Dubious Information About PRISM

Mother Jones

In the wake of revelations from intelligence contractor turned whistleblower Edward Snowden that the National Security Agency has collected massive amounts of phone and internet data on millions of Americans, the NSA posted a fact sheet online about what it was and wasn’t doing. Titled “Section 702,” the fact sheet outlined “Procedures for Targeting Certain Persons Outside the United States Other Than United States Persons” under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. It was meant to assuage fears that the NSA was breaking the law with its far-reaching PRISM operation.

But on Monday, two US senators called out the NSA for the contents of the fact sheet, saying that the agency was misleading the public about what it was really doing with the program. Then, on Tuesday, the fact sheet mysteriously disappeared from the NSA’s website. (Instead, you can see it here.)

“We were disappointed to see that this fact sheet contains an inaccurate statement about how the section 702 authority has been interpreted by the U.S. government,” Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and Mark Udall (D-Colo.) wrote in an open letter to NSA’s director, General Keith Alexander. “In our judgment this inaccuracy is significant, as it portrays protections for Americans’ privacy as being significantly stronger than they actually are.”

They didn’t get specific, instead identifying the inaccuracy in a classified attachment to the letter. And they underscored that the NSA is facing a credibility problem. “As you have seen, when the NSA makes inaccurate statements about government surveillance and fails to correct the public record, it can decrease public confidence in the NSA’s openness and its commitment to protecting Americans’ constitutional rights,” they wrote.

The letter also says the NSA is “somewhat misleading” people when it says that any “inadvertently acquired communication of or concerning a US person must be promptly destroyed if it is neither relevant to the authorized purpose nor evidence of a crime.”

As of Tuesday afternoon, the URL for the NSA’s posted fact sheet led to this:

The NSA didn’t reply to questions from Mother Jones about when and why the document was taken off the site, or about the issues brought up by Wyden and Udall. Instead, it emailed this cryptic statement in response:

“Given the intense interest from the media, the public, and Congress, we believe the precision of the source document (the statute) is the best possible representation of applicable authorities,” said NSA spokeswoman Judith Emmel.

UPDATE: The NSA responded to Wyden and Udall Tuesday, saying that “the fact sheet … could have more precisely described the requirements for collection under Section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act” and pointing out several limitations to the law, all beginning with the phrase “may not intentionally” (full letter below). Considering that Wyden and Udall’s basis for saying the NSA had made inaccurate statements in the original fact-sheet is classified, it’s hard to know what the NSA is responding to in the June 25 letter.

Trevor Timm, a digital rights analyst with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, said the senators’ letter points to the fundamental problem with excessive secrecy.

“This is a perfect example of why this secrecy is so bad for the country, that the NSA or director of national intelligence or executive branch can issue misleading statements or outright falsehoods and it’s impossible for the American people to fact-check them,” Timm said. “If it wasn’t for Ron Wyden or Mark Udall, the NSA possibly could have kept this up forever.”

Here’s the full letter:

Wyden and Udall Letter to General Alexander on NSA’s Section 702 Fact Sheet Inaccuracy

DV.load(“//www.documentcloud.org/documents/717528-wyden-and-udall-nsa-letter.js”,
width: 630,
height: 450,
sidebar: false,
text: false,
container: “#DV-viewer-717528-wyden-and-udall-nsa-letter”
);

Ron Wyden and Mark Udall NSA letter (PDF)

Ron Wyden and Mark Udall NSA letter (Text)

DV.load(“//www.documentcloud.org/documents/717543-nsa-wyden-udall-response-june-25.js”,
width: 630,
height: 450,
sidebar: false,
text: false,
container: “#DV-viewer-717543-nsa-wyden-udall-response-june-25”
);

NSA Wyden Udall Response June 25 (PDF)

NSA Wyden Udall Response June 25 (Text)

Taken from:  

NSA Yanks Fact Sheet Containing Dubious Information About PRISM

Posted in FF, GE, ONA, PUR, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on NSA Yanks Fact Sheet Containing Dubious Information About PRISM

Edward Blum Finally Wins His Long War on the Voting Rights Act

Mother Jones

For the past twenty years, conservative operative Edward Blum has played a crucial behind-the-scenes role in America’s most contentious court fights: He identifies people who will make compelling plaintiffs; pairs them with lawyers who are willing to sue to upend affirmative action, voting-rights laws, and other race-conscious policies; and raises money to help cover the legal fees.

As Mother Jones reported last year, Blum, a 61-year-old former stockbroker, was deeply involved in several of the most controversial cases before the Supreme Court this term. He engineered Fisher v. University of Texas, a case challenging affirmative action in college admissions that the Supreme Court sent back to a lower court for further consideration on Monday. But the greatest victory in Blum’s long career came Tuesday morning, when the Supreme Court used Shelby County v. Holder, a case Blum helped launch and fund, to strike down Section 4 of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After decades in the legal wilderness, it looks like Blum finally has his big win.

Blum’s decades-long crusade started after he ran for Congress in Houston. Blum lost, but was later able to prove the district he ran in had been gerrymandered along racial lines. Since then, he’s launched over a dozen cases, building recruiting websites, cold-calling local officials, and convincing his picks to become the face for ending race-based protections. “The first hurdle is to seek out plaintiffs who are of, in my opinion, the right philosophy, and have no ax to grind. Sensitive to the fact that there are individuals and organizations who believe that these laws should stay in place,” Blum told NBC News. “You cannot seek out people who are bigots or small-minded.” A onetime Democrat converted by Reagan and Commentary magazine, Blum has argued that his challenges are efforts to promote “colorblind” policies, asserting that the current laws are unfair to whites and stigmatize minorities.

Through his one-man legal defense fund, the Project on Fair Representation, Blum has corralled financial backing to keep mustering judicial challenges from conservative allies, running funds through his nonprofit, Donors Trust. The tactic at which he excels, finding plaintiffs that can carry an issue to the highest court, was pioneered by groups like the NAACP, and has been long used by liberals and conservatives alike.

Tuesday’s Supreme Court decision struck down the formula that determines which parts of the country deserve extra federal scrutiny of their voting laws. But if Blum’s his past record is any indication, this victory will only fuel his fire. As Al Vera—the plaintiff in Blum’s 1996 case arguing that race-based gerrymandering violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendmentonce said, Blum is “like a bulldog once he attaches onto an issue he believes in.”

View this article:  

Edward Blum Finally Wins His Long War on the Voting Rights Act

Posted in alo, FF, GE, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , | Comments Off on Edward Blum Finally Wins His Long War on the Voting Rights Act

The Best Lines From Ginsburg’s Dissent on the Voting Rights Act Decision

Mother Jones

More MoJo coverage of the Supreme Court’s ruling on the Voting Rights Act


Supreme Court Hands the GOP a Gift for 2014


Supreme Court: The Voting Rights Act Workedâ&#128;&#148;So Now It’s Unconstitutional


Chief Justice Roberts’ Long War Against the Voting Rights Act


This Study Said the South Is More Racist Than the North


Supreme Court Poised to Declare Racism Over


The Best Lines From Ginsburg’s Dissent on the Voting Rights Act Decision

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote a fiery dissent to the Supreme Court’s 5-4 decision Tuesday striking down the part of the 1965 Voting Rights Act that determines which cities, counties, and states need to seek approval from the Department of Justice before changing their voting laws. The provision was designed to focus attention on areas with a history of discrimination. “Hubris is a fit word for today’s demolition of the VRA,” Ginsburg wrote.

Here are five key excerpts from her dissent:

“When confronting the most constitutionally invidious form of discrimination, and the most fundamental right in our democratic system, Congress’ power to act is at its height.”

“Demand for a record of violations equivalent to the one earlier made would expose Congress to a catch-22. If the statute was working, there would be less evidence of discrimination, so opponents might argue that Congress should not be allowed to renew the statute. In contrast, if the statute was not working, there would be plenty of evidence of discrimination, but scant reason to renew a failed regulatory regime.”

“Just as buildings in California have a greater need to be earthquake­ proofed, places where there is greater racial polarization in voting have a greater need for prophylactic measures to prevent purposeful race discrimination.”

“Congress approached the 2006 reauthorization of the VRA with great care and seriousness. The same cannot be said of the Court’s opinion today. The Court makes no genuine attempt to engage with the massive legislative record that Congress assembled. Instead, it relies on increases in voter registration and turnout as if that were the whole story. See supra, at 18–19. Without even identifying a standard of review, the Court dismissively brushes off arguments based on “data from the record,” and declines to enter the “debate about what the record shows”…One would expect more from an opinion striking at the heart of the Nation’s signal piece of civil-rights legislation.”

“Given a record replete with examples of denial or abridgment of a paramount federal right, the Court should have left the matter where it belongs: in Congress’ bailiwick.”

Ginsburg’s dissent also rattled off these eight examples of race-based voter discrimination in recent history:

“In 1995, Mississippi sought to reenact a dual voter registration system, ‘which was initially enacted in 1892 to disenfranchise Black voters,’ and for that reason was struck down by a federal court in 1987.”

“Following the 2000 Census, the City of Albany, Georgia, proposed a redistricting plan that DOJ found to be ‘designed with the purpose to limit and retrogress the increased black voting strength…in the city as a whole.'”

“In 2001, the mayor and all-white five-member Board of Aldermen of Kilmichael, Mississippi, abruptly canceled the town’s election after ‘an unprecedented number’ of AfricanAmerican candidates announced they were running for office. DOJ required an election, and the town elected its first black mayor and three black aldermen.”

“In 2006, the court found that Texas’ attempt to redraw a congressional district to reduce the strength of Latino voters bore ‘the mark of intentional discrimination that could give rise to an equal protection violation,’ and ordered the district redrawn in compliance with the VRA…In response, Texas sought to undermine this Court’s order by curtailing early voting in the district, but was blocked by an action to enforce the §5 pre-clearance requirement.”

“In 2003, after African-Americans won a majority of the seats on the school board for the first time in history, Charleston County, South Carolina, proposed an at-large voting mechanism for the board. The proposal, made without consulting any of the African-American members of the school board, was found to be an ‘exact replica’ of an earlier voting scheme that, a federal court had determined, violated the VRA…DOJ invoked §5 to block the proposal.”

“In 1993, the City of Millen, Georgia, proposed to delay the election in a majority-black district by two years, leaving that district without representation on the city council while the neighboring majority white district would have three representatives…DOJ blocked the proposal. The county then sought to move a polling place from a predominantly black neighborhood in the city to an inaccessible location in a predominantly white neighborhood outside city limits.”

“In 2004, Waller County, Texas, threatened to prosecute two black students after they announced their intention to run for office. The county then attempted to reduce the avail ability of early voting in that election at polling places near a historically black university.”

“In 1990, Dallas County, Alabama, whose county seat is the City of Selma, sought to purge its voter rolls of many black voters. DOJ rejected the purge as discriminatory, noting that it would have disqualified many citizens from voting ‘simply because they failed to pick up or return a voter update form, when there was no valid requirement that they do so.'”

Read the full dissent here.

This article has been revised.

View article: 

The Best Lines From Ginsburg’s Dissent on the Voting Rights Act Decision

Posted in Citizen, FF, GE, ONA, PUR, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on The Best Lines From Ginsburg’s Dissent on the Voting Rights Act Decision

The Supreme Court Just Made It Easier for Big Business to Screw the Little Guy

Mother Jones

In a little-known case called American Express v. Italian Colors Restaurant, the Supreme Court today issued yet another decision making it easier for big corporations to use their market power to screw over consumers and small businesses. Thursday’s 5-3 decision affirmed the right of big corporations to use mandatory arbitration clauses in contracts to force small businesses to challenge monopolistic practices in private arbitration rather than through class actions in court. The case shows once again that the conservative majority, led by Chief Justice John Roberts, has no problem with judicial activism when it comes to bolstering corporate power.

Here’s the background on this decision:

The case, Italian Colors v. American Express,was brought by a California Italian restaurant and a group of other small businesses that tried to sue the credit card behemoth for antitrust violations. They allege Amex used its monopoly power to force them to accept its bank-issued knock-off credit cards as a condition of taking regular, more elite American Express cards—and then charging them 30 percent higher fees for the privilege.

The small businesses’ claims were pretty small individually, not more than around $5,000 per shop. So, to make their case worth enough for a lawyer to take it, they banded together to file a class action on behalf of all small businesses affected by the practice. In response, Amex invoked the small print in its contract with them: a clause that not only banned the companies from suing individually but also prevented them from bringing a class action. Instead, Amex insisted the contract required each little businesses to submit to the decision of a private arbitrator paid by Amex, and individually press their claims. (Arbitration is heavily stacked in favor of the big companies, as you can read more about here and here.)

The restaurants estimated, with good evidence, that because of the market research required to press an antitrust case, arbitration would cost each of them almost $1 million to collect a possible maximum of $38,000, making it impossible to bring their claims at all. After a lot of litigation, the little guys prevailed in the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals, which found that the arbitration clause was unconscionable because it prevented the plaintiffs from having their claims heard in any forum. The court said the arbitration contract should be invalidated and that the class action should go forward in a regular courtroom. (Sonia Sotomayor sat on one of the appeals before heading to the high court and is recusing herself from the case as a result.)

The 2nd Circuit repeatedly voted in favor of the merchants. It heard the case at least three times, including once after the high court reversed its original decision in favor of the restaurants, and it seemed fairly united in its belief that the Amex contract was unenforceable. But the Roberts Court has been no friend of small businesses or consumers, particularly those seeking to bring class actions against big companies. The court’s conservative majority has made class action litigation much harder to bring, mostly notably in 2011 when it struck down a huge sex discrimination case brought by 1.5 million women working at Walmart.

That’s one reason public interest lawyers have sounded the alarm about the Amex case for a year, noting that, given the court’s current makeup, the case had potentially awful implications for anyone ripped off while using a credit card or cellphone and for small businesses trying to fend off corporate monopolies.

In an amicus brief submitted in this case on the side of the small businesses, lawyers for AARP, Public Justice, and the American Association for Justice warned that if the court sided with Amex, “statutes intended by Congress to protect weaker parties against stronger parties will essentially be gutted. Small businesses might as well move to a different country where they no longer enjoy the protection of the antitrust laws. At the whim of an employer, workers could be required to prospectively waive their Title VII anti-discrimination rights. Consumer protection laws such as the Truth in Lending Act could be silently, but inescapably, repealed by corporations with the stroke of a pen.”

Indeed, if the court ruled that Amex could use an arbitration clause in a contract with a much less powerful party to escape punishment under the Sherman Antitrust Act, there’s no reason why a big company couldn’t create contracts that prevent people from filing sex discrimination, consumer fraud, or other similar claims in any venue. Laws that Congress passed to protect the public could simply be voided through artfully written arbitration clauses that create expensive hurdles to pressing a claim.

Justice Antonin Scalia, who wrote the majority opinion in the Amex case, seems to believe that this isn’t a problem. He said that the law doesn’t entitle every potential plaintiff a cheap route into court, noting that litigation outside arbitration is expensive, too, a fact that can keep people from exercising their legal rights. His argument boils down to this: The Federal Arbitration Act, a 1925 maritime law that the court has broadened to cover just about everything, trumps every other law on the books. So if a big company breaks the law and screws you, but you signed a contract with an arbitration clause giving away your right to sue or bring class action, you don’t have a case, even if federal law says you do.

In a concurring opinion, Justice Clarence Thomas invoked the fiction that the contract Italian Colors signed agreeing to arbitrate its claims individually with Amex was voluntary. But anyone who’s ever tried to open a bank account knows it’s virtually impossible to engage in commerce these days without being forced to sign a contract in which you forego your right to sue the company if it rips you off.

Justice Elena Kagan gets this point. In her biting dissent aimed squarely at Scalia, she called the majority opinion a “betrayal of our precedents and of federal statutes like antitrust laws.” She observed that the court would never uphold an arbitration agreement that explicitly banned merchants from bringing an antitrust claim, yet that’s effectively what the Amex contract does by compelling merchants to give up the option of class actions in court. She noted that by ignoring several precedents, the majority is providing companies “every incentive to draft their agreements to extract backdoor waivers of statutory rights.” That is, they will use contracts to immunize themselves from laws they don’t like.

Kagan was blunt: “If the arbitration clause is enforceable, Amex has insulated itself from antitrust liability—even if it has in fact violated the law. The monopolist gets to use its monopoly power to insist on a contract effectively depriving its victims of all legal recourse. And here is the nutshell version of today’s opinion, admirably flaunted rather than camouflaged: Too darn bad.”

Excerpt from:  

The Supreme Court Just Made It Easier for Big Business to Screw the Little Guy

Posted in FF, GE, ONA, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , | Comments Off on The Supreme Court Just Made It Easier for Big Business to Screw the Little Guy

Supreme Court: Arizona Law Requiring Proof of Citizenship to Register to Vote Is Unconstitutional

Mother Jones

<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC “-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN” “http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd”>

The US Supreme Court on Monday struck down an Arizona law that required people to provide proof of citizenship when registering to vote. The case, Arizona v. The Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, concerned Arizona’s Proposition 200, which was passed by voters in 2004 during the fight over President George W. Bush’s immigration reform proposal. The now-defunct law required new voters to prove that they’re citizens during the voter registration process. That proof could be in the form of a driver’s license number, a copy of a birth certificate, a copy of a passport, copies of naturalization documents, a Bureau of Indian Affairs card number, a tribal treaty card number, or a tribal enrollment number.

Unfortunately, millions of US citizens—mostly poor and elderly people—lack documentary evidence of their citizenship. Because of that, thousands of US citizens who should otherwise have been able to vote—31,000, according to the American Civil Liberties Union—were denied access to the ballot box under Proposition 200.

The National Voter Registration Act of 1993 requires only that potential voters check a box on a form attesting that they are citizens and eligible to vote. During oral arguments before the high court in March, the groups challenging Proposition 200 said that the federal voter registration law and the stricter Arizona law were incompatible, and the federal statute should take precedence. Arizona Attorney General Tom Horne, defending Proposition 200, said the federal requirement was “essentially an honor system” and that the two laws should be allowed to coexist. The Supreme Court decided the anti-Proposition 200 forces were right, and the federal law trumped Arizona’s.

But voting rights advocates aren’t out of the woods yet. At SCOTUSblog, Lyle Denniston notes that although the justices ruled that the state’s requirements were out of line with federal election law, states that want to require potential voters to provide proof of citizenship may still be able to convince the Election Assistance Commission or Congress to implement such a requirement. The court also said that states could claim they had a constitutional right to require proof of citizenship for voter registration—an argument Arizona did not make in this particular case. In other words, there’s a strong chance that Arizona or any other state that wants to could eventually get strict proof-of-citizenship requirements into law.

“The opinion seemed to leave little doubt that, if Arizona or another state went to court to try to establish such a constitutional power, it might well get a very sympathetic hearing, because that part of Justice Antonin Scalia’s opinion laid a very heavy stress on the power of states under the Constitution to decide who gets to vote,” Denniston wrote.

Arizona voting rights advocates will also have to deal with a batch of election-reform bills sitting on Republican Gov. Jan Brewer’s desk right now that could derail mail-ballot collection drives and purge the state’s permanent early voting list.

Link: 

Supreme Court: Arizona Law Requiring Proof of Citizenship to Register to Vote Is Unconstitutional

Posted in Citizen, FF, GE, ONA, PUR, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on Supreme Court: Arizona Law Requiring Proof of Citizenship to Register to Vote Is Unconstitutional

Republicans Want to Ban Abortions After 20 Weeks. Here’s How One Group Is Fighting Back

Mother Jones

<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC “-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN” “http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd”>

The Center for Reproductive Rights, a New York-based nonprofit, is at the center of the key legal battles over abortion and contraception.

CRR filed the lawsuit that forced the Obama administration to drop its effort to restrict access to Plan B One-Step—a brand of what is popularly known as the morning-after pill—this week, making emergency contraception available over-the-counter to everyone. The group is also leading the legal fight against bans on abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy, which a dozen states have passed in the last three years. And next week, the Supreme Court is expected to announce whether or not it will hear Oklahoma’s appeal of court decisions CRR won blocking both a mandatory sonogram law and a ban on medication abortion in that state.

CRR’s president and CEO, Nancy Northup, was in Washington this week to talk to legislators about what’s happening in the states and to promote her group’s proposal for a Bill of Reproductive Rights. Launched last year, the effort calls on federal legislators to pass protections for abortion and other reproductive health care at the federal level. The GOP-led House, however, was moving in the opposite direction this week, with the judiciary committee debating Rep. Trent Franks’ (R-Ariz.) bill to ban abortions after 20 weeks nationwide. Mother Jones spoke to Northup during her visit.

Mother Jones: The DOJ’s latest offer is that the FDA will make Plan B One-Step available over-the-counter for everyone, but the appeals court’s ruling last week said that it needed to make all types of two-pill EC available. So the administration’s response didn’t actually answer the court’s ruling. What’s next?

Northup: We’re going to back to the court saying, “Enough with the gamesmanship.” It’s safe and effective. All these pills are safe and effective for use by all ages and they should all be over the counter. And that the generic option, which is less expensive, should be available. They’re $10-20 cheaper.

Mother Jones: Another issue CRR has been involved in is the 20-week abortion bans in the states. You recently won a lawsuit against Arizona’s in court. But at this point, 12 states have passed this type of law. What’s next on that front?

Northup: There are some states with no providers who offer abortions up to 20 weeks. So we’re not challenging those, because we have no standing to challenge them. That again shows how much of a political and messaging campaign this is by people who want to restrict access. Why are they are passing 20 week bans in states where doctors don’t even provide those services? Everywhere that they have been challenged, they have been, to date, enjoined. In Georgia there’s a preliminary injunction in place. Arizona has an injunction after the 9th Circuit decision. Idaho’s decision came down that it was unconstitutional. What we’re now looking at is fighting the 12-week ban in Arkansas, and we will be filing in North Dakota against the six-week ban. We challenge them where it’s meaningful to challenge them.

Continue Reading »

See more here: 

Republicans Want to Ban Abortions After 20 Weeks. Here’s How One Group Is Fighting Back

Posted in FF, GE, ONA, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on Republicans Want to Ban Abortions After 20 Weeks. Here’s How One Group Is Fighting Back

This Is What a Multimillionaire Calling In His Chits Looks Like

Mother Jones

<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC “-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN” “http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd”>

Art Pope is the conservative mega-donor in North Carolina whose millions helped usher in Republican majorities in both chambers of the state legislature in 2010, and who dropped millions more in 2012 to elect Republican Gov. Pat McGrory. Perhaps to say thanks, McGrory promptly named Pope, a former board member of the Koch-funded Americans for Prosperity group, the state’s new budget director.

One of Pope’s pet causes has been killing North Carolina’s public funding program for judicial elections, an aim of his when he served in the state legislature. The NC Public Campaign Fund, as it’s known, provides judicial candidates with taxpayer money to fund their campaigns so long as they collect 350 or more small donations from registered voters and also abide by campaign spending limits. The program is popular: Since its launch in 2004, 80 percent of judicial candidates in contested race for state Supreme Court and North Carolina Court of Appeals have used it. In May, 14 of the 15 judges on Court of Appeals, judges who represent both parties, urged state lawmakers to preserve the program. “Our current system of nonpartisan judicial elections supplemented by public financing is an effective and valuable tool for protecting public confidence in the impartiality and independence of the judiciary,” the judges said.

North Carolina’s judicial public financing program gets its money from a $3 check box on state tax forms and a $50 annual fee paid by attorneys. The budget proposed by North Carolina Republicans would suck all the money out of the elections fund and eliminate its funding sources, a death blow to the program. But as Chris Kromm of Facing South writes, state Rep. Jonathan Jordan, a Republican, had a fix. He offered a budget amendment that would preserve the $50 attorney fee while still sucking out all the fund’s money and eliminating the taxpayer check-box. Although Jordan’s amendment would hurt the fund in the short term, the attorneys fees would replenish it over time. Other Republicans liked this idea.

That’s when Art Pope called in his chits:

Soon after Jordan’s amendment was filed the next day, the multimillionaire GOP donor and budget director for Republican Gov. Pat McCrory made a rare visit to the General Assembly and took Jordan aside. When the impromptu meeting with Pope ended, Jordan made an abrupt U-turn and dropped the amendment.

The amendment died—and with it chances of saving North Carolina’s pioneering judicial program.

Art Pope took a direct role in killing the landmark election reform measure even though his presence as budget director wasn’t needed, since Jordan’s amendment was revenue-neutral. His involvement highlights the unique power Pope holds as both a top campaign donor to state lawmakers and the highest ranking member of McCrory’s cabinet.

It also marks the culmination of a more than decade-long crusade by Pope to dismantle judicial public financing and other reforms that aim to curb the clout of big donors like himself in North Carolina politics.

Why, you might ask, would Jordan so easily abandon his amendment? Well, the money trail is a good place to start:

When Jordan first ran for office in 2010, he was one of two dozen Republicans that benefited from a flood of money Pope poured into elections, helping the GOP capture the state legislature.

That year, Jordan received $16,000 in campaign contributions from Pope and his close family, the maximum allowed by law. On top of that, three groups backed by Pope—Americans for Prosperity, Civitas Action, and Real Jobs NC—shoveled more than $91,500 into election spending on Jordan’s behalf, bringing Pope’s total investment in launching Jordan’s legislative career to more than $107,000.

But Pope’s connection to Rep. Jordan goes back even further. In the late 1990s, Jordan spent two years as research director at the John Locke Foundation, one of a network of conservative groups in North Carolina largely funded by Art Pope’s family foundation.

In an email to the News and Observer newspaper, Pope declined to comment on his talk with Rep. Jordan. “Of course the governor’s recommended budget proposed to stop giving taxpayer dollars to political campaigns,” Pope said. “That position has not changed, and I have stated this to the legislators, members of the public, and organizations such as Common Cause when they have asked about the issue.”

Episodes like these are what make North Carolina such a fascinating case study. On the one hand, you have Pope, an ideologue who gave handsomely to conservative causes for decades and now controls North Carolina’s budget. On the other, there is a progressive groundswell pushing back against Pope, McGrory, and the Republican majorities in the legislature. But in this case, the imminent death of North Carolina’s judicial funding program shows just how much clout a single donor can have.

See original article – 

This Is What a Multimillionaire Calling In His Chits Looks Like

Posted in FF, GE, Landmark, ONA, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , | Comments Off on This Is What a Multimillionaire Calling In His Chits Looks Like

Secret Money Is Now Swaying State Judicial Elections

Mother Jones

<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC “-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN” “http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd”>

The “banjo ad” supporting North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Paul Newby.

Sam Ervin IV must have been feeling pretty good about his chances of winning a seat on the North Carolina Supreme Court last fall.

He had name recognition—his grandfather was the legendary senator who led the Watergate investigation—and a poll released less than a week before Election Day showed him leading his opponent, incumbent Justice Paul Newby by 6 points, 38-32.

But on the Friday before the election, “Justice for All NC”—an independent political committee whose funding came mostly from out of state—dropped a TV ad depicting a scowling Ervin and asking: “Sam Ervin. Can we trust him to be a fair judge?”

Ervin lost the race by 4 points, 52 percent to 48 percent.

“As far as I know,” says Ervin, “there had never been an attack ad in a North Carolina judicial race.”

North Carolina’s supreme court election was arguably decided by groups like Justice for All—secretive nonprofits, unaffiliated with a candidate, whose money came from out of state.

Continue Reading »

Credit – 

Secret Money Is Now Swaying State Judicial Elections

Posted in FF, GE, ONA, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , | Comments Off on Secret Money Is Now Swaying State Judicial Elections