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Virginia Republicans Are Going to Introduce a 20-Week Abortion Ban for the Third Time

Mother Jones

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In the fight over reproductive rights, 20-week abortion bans stand out as one of the most successful legislative measures pursued by anti-abortion advocates. In all, 18 states have enacted a version of the legislation since 2011; three of them have seen their 20-week bans overturned in court because they banned abortions before a fetus could survive outside the womb and were in violation of the Supreme Court’s 1973 ruling in Roe v. Wade. Earlier this month, Ohio Gov. John Kasich signed a 20-week abortion ban into law shortly after vetoing a “heartbeat bill” that would have banned abortions as early as six weeks into pregnancy.

Now, as the year comes to a close, emboldened Virginia legislators have begun their push to pass their version of the controversial—and likely unconstitutional—measure.

Last week, Virginia delegate David LaRock, a two-term Republican, pre-filed HB1473, known as the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Act. The bill will officially be introduced when the state Legislature begins its new session in January. LaRock introduced similar legislation during two previous sessions but has been unsuccessful in his attempts to ban late-term abortions.

As with previous versions of the bill, HB1473 would prohibit abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy, a cutoff earlier than the “fetal viability” standard established by Roe v. Wade. Anti-abortion advocates argue that the ban is necessary because a fetus can feel pain at 20 weeks, a claim that has not been confirmed by research. The bill would not make allowances for a woman’s mental health or fetal abnormalities, or in instances of rape or incest, and offers exceptions only in cases that threaten the life of the mother or pose a “serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function.” When a late-term abortion is performed, the bill stipulates that a physician “terminate the pregnancy in a manner that would provide the unborn child the best opportunity to survive.”

If passed, the bill would punish physicians providing unauthorized late-term abortions with Class 4 felonies, making them subject to prison time and a fine of up to $100,000. The bill also allows for “civil remedies,” giving a woman who receives an abortion or the biological father of the terminated fetus the ability to seek punitive damages against physicians who perform abortions in violation of the act.

The 20-week abortion ban is the latest restriction proposed in a state that already has some of the toughest anti-abortion laws in the nation. Virginia currently requires that women seeking abortions receive information encouraging them to carry pregnancies to term, mandates an ultrasound before the procedure, requires minors to receive consent from their parents prior to getting an abortion, and limits health plans covering abortion under the state’s Affordable Care Act exchange.

The Virginia GOP’s intensified effort to end late-term abortions is likely an opening salvo in the fight over the future of abortion access in the state. With the current Democratic governor, Terry McAuliffe, unable to run for a second term due to state law, anti-abortion advocates see next year’s gubernatorial election as a key opportunity to put an ally in office.

Virginia’s state Legislature won’t begin its new session until January 11, but reproductive rights advocates are already preparing for a long fight. “Bans on abortion at different points in pregnancy affect every woman’s ability to make decisions that are best for her, her health and wellbeing, and her family,” noted Tarina Keene, executive director of NARAL Pro-Choice Virginia, in a letter sent to the candidates vying to replace McAuliffe. In a press release accompanying the letter, the reproductive rights group called the proposed ban a “dangerous and unconstitutional measure,” adding that it “would put politicians in the middle of Virginia women and families’ personal decisions about pregnancy and cut off access to safe medical care.”

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Virginia Republicans Are Going to Introduce a 20-Week Abortion Ban for the Third Time

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This Woman’s Attempted Coat-Hanger Abortion Landed Her in Jail for a Year. Now She Faces New Charges.

Mother Jones

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The charges against Anna Yocca, a 32-year-old Tennessee woman who used a coat hanger in an attempt to terminate her pregnancy last year, have varied since she was first jailed in December 2015. The initial charge was attempted first-degree murder, which was downgraded last spring to aggravated assault.

But on November 12, three new charges were filed by a Rutherford County grand jury: aggravated assault with a weapon, attempted procurement of a miscarriage, and attempted criminal abortion. The new charges will replace the aggravated assault charge brought last spring.

In September 2015, Yocca attempted to self-induce abortion with a coat hanger in her bathtub in Murfreesboro, Tennessee, when she was 24 weeks pregnant. When she began to bleed uncontrollably, her boyfriend drove her to the hospital. Physicians delivered a 1.5-pound boy who had severe medical problems resulting from the premature delivery and the attempted termination of her pregnancy.

At her public defense attorney’s request, Yocca underwent a mental evaluation to establish competency to stand trial, and the evaluation found that “there is no indication that Ms. Yocca failed to have sufficient reality contact in regard to the nature and wrongfulness of her accused behavior.”

Last month, Yocca’s attorney filed a motion to dismiss the case, arguing that bringing her to trial “makes every pregnant woman vulnerable to arrest and prosecution if she is perceived to have caused or even risked harm to a human embryo or fetus…and that the prosecution is absurd, illogical, and unconstitutional.”

Tennessee has some of the most restrictive abortion laws in the country, and state legislators have been vocal about their plans to propose more. In 2014, an amendment to the state constitution clarified that it would not protect a woman’s right to an abortion and prohibited public funding for abortion—despite that fact that state and federal dollars cannot legally be used to fund abortion. The average cost of an abortion in the state has been calculated to be $475 to $680. Clinics in Tennessee don’t perform abortions after about 17 weeks.The 2014 amendment was one of the most expensive ballot measures in the state’s history, and it also gave state lawmakers more power to restrict abortion access.

The state Legislature enacted an additional law implementing a 48-hour waiting period in May 2015. The state also passed a “fetal homicide law” in 2014, which meant prosecutors could charge women for any behavior, such as taking drugs, that might harm or kill a fetus. The law expired in July.

There are some ongoing legal efforts to roll back these measures. The Center for Reproductive Rights filed a federal lawsuit in June 2015 to challenge three Tennessee laws—one that required abortion clinics to meet the standards of an ambulatory surgical center, one that required abortion providers to have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals, and the 48-hour waiting period. A federal judge blocked the ambulatory surgical center law after CRR filed its lawsuit last year.

“The cumulative effect of these restrictions is to make it very difficult for women in these parts of the state to access abortion and to create huge delays in women’s abortion care,” Stephanie Toti, senior legal counsel for CRR said. “It is a lesson that we have learned all around the world that when women don’t have adequate access to safe abortion care, they turn to other means.”

Yocca’s new court date to face these charges is November 28.

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This Woman’s Attempted Coat-Hanger Abortion Landed Her in Jail for a Year. Now She Faces New Charges.

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This Year, States Took the War on Uteruses to the Next Level

Mother Jones

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Reproductive rights took a beating in 2015. According to a year-end report released by the Center for Reproductive Rights, nearly 400 anti-abortion bills were introduced across the country in 2015, up from 335 provisions introduced in 2014. The bills ranged from regulation of medication abortions to all-out bans on the most common method of second-trimester abortions, and the Guttmacher Institute reports 57 of them were enacted. The few pieces of good news can be found in access to contraceptives: Oregon became the first state this year to expand access to birth control medication by offering it over the counter for up to a year’s supply, and California passed a law that allows women to get birth control directly from a pharmacist.

In the final days of 2015, Gov. Cuomo in New York signed legislation that permits pregnant women to enroll in the state’s health insurance exchange at any point during the year by making pregnancy a “qualifying life event.” For everyone without a qualifying life event, enrollment is only available from October through December. New York is the first state to pass such legislation.

But generally, the good news has been limited. Here are some of the most impactful state restrictions that became law this year—and that are likely to affect millions of women of reproductive age:

Medication abortion restrictions: Arkansas’ HB 1578 requires providers to tell patients that the effects of the “abortion pill“—a drug called mifepristone, or RU-486, which is used in conjunction with another pill that is taken at home—can be reversed. This claim has been refuted by the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and in medical studies. In the same measure, abortion counselors are required to include in their sessions inaccurate information about fetal pain during the procedure and women’s mental health problems after it. Multiple studies have debunked the claim that most women regret their abortions after the fact.

The state Legislature in Arkansas, which was ranked the second-worst state for women’s and children’s well-being by the Center for Reproductive Rights for its mass of restrictions this year, also passed laws banning telemedicine when it’s used for medication abortion. The technology—involving video conferencing and an automated drawer that pops out and contains the medication—has allowed physicians to administer mifepristone remotely. This method is particularly beneficial for women who live in rural parts of the state and cannot afford the time or money to drive to a clinic in a metropolitan area.

Arkansas implemented an additional restriction on medication abortion that requires doctors prescribing mifepristone to adhere to the original FDA-approved dosage. This sounds reasonable, but it actually decreases the effectiveness of the drug and increases the likelihood of nasty side effects. (Molly Redden reported on increased restrictions around medication abortion in Mother Jones‘ September/October issue.) Idaho also passed laws banning telemedicine specifically when it’s used for medication abortions by requiring physicians to be physically present while administering mifepristone. Doctors who administer the medication must also have admitting privileges at local hospitals or a written transfer agreement with another doctor who does have those privileges. These requirements often disqualify physicians from being able to offer abortion services.

Unprecedented bans against the most common procedure for second-trimester abortions: In April, Kansas passed legislation that made it the first state to explicitly restrict the most common procedure for second-trimester abortions. The wording of the law is ambiguous and does not use medical language—for example, it refers to the fetus as an “unborn child”—and it bans what is referred to as “dismemberment abortion.” In the law, the procedure is defined as “knowingly dismembering a living unborn child and extracting such unborn child one piece at a time from the uterus.” The focus of the law appears to be on the use of the dilation and evacuation method, a method considered by medical professionals to be the safest way to terminate a pregnancy, and which is used in most abortions after the 12th week of pregnancy. A Kansas district court judge, Larry Hendricks, blocked the law less than a week before it was to take effect, and the Kansas Court of Appeals heard oral arguments regarding the law’s constitutionality in early December. However, because the case is being presented before all the appeals judges rather than the traditional three-judge panel, the timing for a final ruling is uncertain.

Oklahoma passed a similar law targeting dilation and evacuation abortions, using even more gruesome language. The law defines “dismemberment abortion”—a popular term among “right to life” advocates—as ” purposely dismembering a living unborn child and extracting him or her one piece at a time from the uterus through use of clamps, grasping forceps, tongs, scissors or similar instruments that, through the convergence of two rigid levers, slice, crush, and/or grasp a portion of the unborn child’s body to cut or rip it off.” A temporary injunction in October was also applied by a judge in this case, and the law is pending a final ruling.

Waiting periods: North Carolina extended the waiting period from 24 hours to 72 hours, tripling the time between state-mandated abortion counseling and actually receiving an abortion. All 12 states in the Southeast have state laws that mandate a waiting period, with the exception of Florida, which tried to pass a 24-hour waiting period this year, but the law was blocked by a circuit court judge and is pending a final ruling. Oklahoma also passed a law that expanded the state’s 24-hour mandatory waiting period to 72 hours.

Tennessee Legislature scales back abortion access: Amendment One, which passed in late 2014, amended the Tennessee state constitution to declare that it does not protect a woman’s right to an abortion or funding for abortions (despite the well-known fact that state and federal dollars cannot legally be used to fund abortion, anyway). The amendment, which was one of the most expensive ballot measures in the state’s history, gave state lawmakers more power to control abortion access and opened the door to a number of restrictive measures in 2015. Twelve bills restricting abortion access were presented before the Legislature this year, including a mandatory 48-hour waiting period. Also in Tennessee, a woman who attempted to self-induce a miscarriage in her bathtub after 24 weeks of pregnancy now faces a first-degree attempted murder charge.

Less than six months after Amendment One was approved, Tennessee also passed a law requiring clinics performing more than 50 surgical abortion procedures per year to meet standards of ambulatory surgery center, which basically amount to hospital standards. This is an example of a TRAP law (short for Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers), which focus not on women seeking abortions but on the practitioners who provide them. The additional construction, infrastructure, and maintenance costs can bankrupt these providers, as Mother Jones has previously reported.

Parental consent: By adding yet another requirement, Arkansas’ lawmakers tightened restrictions for women under the age of 18 who are seeking an abortion without parental consent. In order to waive the state’s parental-consent requirement, these young women must go through a judicial bypass procedure in which they appear before a judge to receive permission to have the procedure. But they now must also undergo an “evaluation and counseling session with a mental health professional” so that a judge can rule whether there is “clear and convincing evidence” that a minor is mature enough for the procedure and that an abortion is in her best interests. The law does not mandate any kind of time limit on the court proceedings, so it’s possible a slow-moving petition could delay a teen’s pregnancy until it is illegal for her to go through with the abortion. The law also requires that a minor file the petition in a court in the county where she resides, further compromising her privacy.

Ban after 20 weeks: This year, West Virginia became the 15th state to ban abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy. Although the governor vetoed the legislation, the state Legislature overrode his veto and passed the bill into law. The law is especially restrictive, offering no exceptions for victims of rape or incest, and it only provides a highly limited exception for women whose lives are endangered by their pregnancy or for fetal abnormalities. Arkansas lawmakers passed a similar ban on abortions after 12 weeks, but the measure was struck down in the US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. “By banning abortions after 12 weeks’ gestation, the act prohibits women from making the ultimate decision to terminate a pregnancy at a point before viability,” the appeals court said.

Elizabeth Nash, a state policy analyst at the Guttmacher Institute, said that even though 2015 was a tough year, it could get worse in 2016. “In 2016, abortion restrictions are again expected to be on the front burner in many state legislatures,” Nash said. “It does not appear that the pending US Supreme Court case is slowing down abortion opponents. We expect to see a host of abortion restrictions in 2016, including restrictions related to medication abortion, bans on abortion in the second trimester and TRAP laws including the disposal of aborted tissue.”

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This Year, States Took the War on Uteruses to the Next Level

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Why Hawaii’s Ban on Plastic Bags is a Big Deal (Infographic)

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Why Hawaii’s Ban on Plastic Bags is a Big Deal (Infographic)

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Arkansas Just Passed Its Own Indiana-Style ‘Religious Freedom Restoration Act’

Mother Jones

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Despite national outcry over a similar bill in Indiana, the Arkansas state Legislature on Tuesday passed its own ‘Religious Freedom Restoration Act’ which critics warn would allow business owners to discriminate against gay, lesbian, and transgendered people on religious grounds.

The bill now goes to Republican state Gov. Asa Hutchinson who vowed last week to sign it. Attempts by state lawmakers to add a provision that would prevent discrimination against gays and lesbians were blocked, according to the New York Times.

“The Arkansas and Indiana bills are virtually identical in terms of language and intent,” Human Rights Campaign legal director Sarah Warbelow told the Huffington Post. “They place LGBT people, people of color, religious minorities, women and many more people at risk of discrimination.”

Like Indiana, Arkansas is already facing mounting criticism over the bill. Walmart, which is based in Bentonville, and data-services company Acxiom have openly criticized the bill.

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Arkansas Just Passed Its Own Indiana-Style ‘Religious Freedom Restoration Act’

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This Machine Turned Colorado Blue. Now It May Be Dems’ Best Hope to Save the Senate.

Mother Jones

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“It’s eerie how much 2014 is like four years ago,” says Craig Hughes, a Denver-based political consultant who ran Democrat Michael Bennet’s successful 2010 Senate campaign. It’s just after 10 a.m., and we’re sitting in a coffee shop called Paris on the Platte. Hughes recounts how, back in 2010, all but one of the final 18 public polls conducted before Election Day showed Bennet losing. In recent weeks, Democratic Sen. Mark Udall has trailed Republican Rep. Cory Gardner in 11 of 12 polls. In 2010, pundits said that Bennet’s campaign ran too many pro-choice advertisements; political commentators these days deride Udall as “Mark Uterus” because his campaign has relentlessly focused on reproductive rights and women’s health. And Udall’s campaign is betting, like Bennet’s 2010 effort did, on the changing composition of the Colorado electorate. Also, just like four years ago, Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper, who is seeking a second term, is facing a strongly conservative challenger, and in the state Legislature, Colorado Democrats are fighting to protect their majorities in both chambers.

So if there are so many parallels, do Democrats in Colorado have reason to believe they can again buck the political tide?

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This Machine Turned Colorado Blue. Now It May Be Dems’ Best Hope to Save the Senate.

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Innovative Maryland Program Provides Green Job Training

Members of the 2013-2014 Chesapeake Conservation Corps prepare the ground for planting shrubs before beginning their new assignments. Photo: Chesapeake Conservation Corps

More than two dozen young adults will spend the next year improving Maryland’s environment while getting valuable on-the-job training.

The latest class of the Chesapeake Conservation Corps program, which is administered by the Chesapeake Bay Trust and pairs young adults with conservation-minded organizations throughout the state, rolled up their sleeves and went to work last week. The job training program, created in 2010 by the Maryland Legislature, puts participants to work in areas that will advance conservation efforts and help protect local rivers, streams and the Chesapeake Bay.

“The Maryland Legislature wanted to develop a corps program that engaged young people in the conservation of natural resources,” explains Jana Davis, executive director of the Chesapeake Bay Trust, which manages the Corps. “There were other programs out there, but we added the environmental piece and made it more of a mentorship-based experience.”

While other conservation corps programs typically have a crew-based approach, the Chesapeake Conservation Corps created an individual-focused program, where each participant works with an organization to accomplish conservation goals.

“Each one of the young people has a capstone project they’re responsible for,” Davis says. “It’s a way for them to build new skills, gain professional work experience, and it’s something they can use to market themselves when it’s done.”

As a result, many of the participants end up getting hired by the organization at the end of their one-year assignment. This year, 11 of the 25 participants landed full-time employment when their assignments ended in August. Among those were Ann DeSanctis, who worked as an environmental educator with the Anacostia Watershed Society, then was hired as its volunteer and project coordinator when her one-year term ended.

“This was an invaluable hands-on experience,” she says. “Being able to see how a nonprofit works, and to be able to get involved in a network like this, is so important. For me, it really helped me learn what it was that I wanted to do. It cemented in me that I am in the right field.”

Next page: The Expanding Program

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Innovative Maryland Program Provides Green Job Training

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Wyoming considers adding fossil fuels to school curriculum — with the industry’s help

Wyoming considers adding fossil fuels to school curriculum — with the industry’s help

The state of Wyoming likes the fossil fuel industry. A lot. So much so that it wants to make sure its kids know everything there is to know about energy development. And, so:

State officials and representatives of the energy industry will be asked to develop a course of study focusing on the energy industry and natural resources to be taught in Wyoming schools under a bill approved Thursday by the Legislature’s Joint Education Committee.

The bill, which will now be considered in the Legislature’s general session beginning Jan. 8, is intended to give students more appreciation and knowledge of Wyoming’s resources and opportunities, according to Nick Agopian of Devon Energy, who led an initiative with other energy officials to develop the bill.

This seems kind of unnecessary. About 5 percent of the population of the state of Wyoming works in an extractive industry: mining, oil and gas extraction, logging, etc. After a dip following the recession, that figure is growing steadily, thanks largely to fracking.

Doesn’t it seem likely that with one in 20 Wyomingites working in an extractive field, kids have some understanding of the sector?

Here’s some language from the proposed legislation:

The governor’s policy office shall oversee the development of a statewide initiative on energy and natural resource development and use to provide materials and opportunities for use in public education programs. The initiative shall be a joint effort of representatives from energy and natural resource industries and related member organizations, state education agencies, public education stakeholder representatives and the governor’s policy office and shall focus on the development of a curriculum for use in public school education programs which … [e]nsures a balanced approach to energy and natural resource development and use and ensures subject matter expertise is integrated with the requirements of the statewide educational program prescribed by law

Emphasis added, because that phrase refers to the American Petroleum Institute, et al. Developing curriculum for school kids. Can you imagine?

Or, better: Can you imagine the Fox News Outrage Swarm™ that would result if a state tried to implement a curriculum touting green energy? Literally: imagine it. Imagine what would happen if a state considered a public school curriculum that “ensured a balanced approach” to the use of clean energy, written in part by a solar industry group. Try and come up with the headline that would appear on the Drudge Report, featuring one or all of these words: Indoctrination, Scandal, Taxpayers, Socialism, Nobama.

Luckily, the population of Wyoming is significantly less than the population within a mile radius of where I’m sitting right now. And there’s no guarantee that the state legislature will approve the bill.

If they don’t, Wyoming schoolkids will just have to learn about fossil fuel extraction the traditional way: by drinking fracking chemicals or when their parents’ place of employment explodes.

Source

Wyoming lawmakers OK development of energy curriculum for schools, Casper Star-Tribune

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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Wyoming considers adding fossil fuels to school curriculum — with the industry’s help

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