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Kentucky Makes It Almost Impossible for Felons to Vote. Rand Paul Wants to Change That.

Mother Jones

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Sen. Rand Paul began the new year by lobbying for one of his favorite causes: criminal-justice reform. Last week, Paul issued a press release urging the Kentucky Legislature to act on a bill that would let state voters decide whether or not to create a path back to voting rights for nonviolent felons who have completed their sentences. “Restoring voting rights for those who have repaid their debt to society is simply the right thing to do,” Paul said in the release.

In 2014, the Democratic-controlled Kentucky House approved a bill that would put a constitutional amendment on ballots in the fall—if voters approved the measure, it would have automatically restored the voting rights of nonviolent felons who have served their time. But the Republican-controlled Senate passed a substitute that proposed several tough restrictions, including a mandatory five-year waiting period after prison before felons could reapply to vote. The two chambers couldn’t agree, and the issue has stalled. Paul, who favors the less-restrictive House bill, is trying to give the issue CPR. (His office declined to comment for this article.)

Kentucky has some of the harshest restrictions on felon voting rights in the country: Felons who wish to get their voting rights back—regardless of offense—must submit a request directly to the governor, who has the sole authority to approve or deny them. Most states offer some type of path to reenfranchisement. For example, in Washington state, all felons who have completed their sentences, probation, and/or parole are allowed to reregister to vote.

According Kentuckians for the Commonwealth, a political, social, and economic advocacy group, only three states—Florida, Iowa, and Virginia—have paths to reenfranchisement that are as difficult as Kentucky’s. In a state with roughly 3.1 million registered voters, more than 180,000 Kentucky ex-felons do not have the right to vote, and they come overwhelmingly from low-income and minority communities. Not surprisingly, studies have found that felony disenfranchisement disproportionately benefits Republicans.

This isn’t the first time that Paul has pushed to ease restrictions on felons’ voting rights. In 2013, speaking to a predominantly minority audience in Kentucky, Paul said, “I am in favor of letting felons get their rights back, the right to vote…Second Amendment rights, all your rights to come back.” This was not an especially popular stance within the GOP back then. A year earlier, Rick Santorum attacked Mitt Romney over his opposition to felon enfranchisement.

Stephen Voss, a state politics expert at the University of Kentucky, says he doesn’t think Paul holds enough sway in Kentucky to move reform through the statehouse. But with this issue, Paul has the chance to bolster his unorthodox approach to criminal-justice policy ahead of the 2016 primaries. “Paul is very interested in expanding the Republican coalition to include voters that have been difficult to reach in the past, but he clearly wants to do it within the bounds of small government ideology,” Voss says. “This issue of treatment of people who have served out sentences is a prime opportunity.”

Enfranchising felons may not be good for GOP electoral prospects, but Paul might not be alone among Republican 2016 contenders in the reform camp. Jeb Bush restored voting rights for over 150,000 ex-felons while governor of Florida, and Gov. Bobby Jindal signed a bill in 2008 making it easier for Louisiana felons to earn their voting rights back. “If Paul gets in trouble with Republicans, I doubt it’ll be on this issue,” Voss says. He suggests other Republicans might join Paul in what he calls a viable way of improving the GOP’s perception among minorities. “It’s not a small number of Republicans that appreciate the benefit of expanding their constituency.”

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Kentucky Makes It Almost Impossible for Felons to Vote. Rand Paul Wants to Change That.

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Being a Terrible Candidate Isn’t What Doomed Martha Coakley

Mother Jones

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Four years after losing a Senate special election to Scott Brown, Massachusetts Democratic attorney general Martha Coakley is on the brink of defeat in another race that was hers to lose. Both Fox News and ABC have called the governor’s race for Republican Charlie Baker, but Coakley has pledged to fight on—at least until Wednesday morning.

The result, if it holds, is a gut-punch for Democrats in the Bay State, where Coakley once led by 29 points. As the race tightened in the campaign’s final month, heavyweight surrogates came to Massachusetts to stump for the nominee. But in the end, not even Elizabeth Warren and Hillary Clinton could save Coakley from another electoral defeat.

The easy takeaway here is that Coakley is a spectacularly bad candidate, woefully out of touch with Massachusetts voters. “You could call her the Bill Buckner of politics, if she even knew who the Red Sox were,” as Politico Magazine‘s Ben Schreckinger put it in October. But if you really know who the Red Sox are, you’d know that Buckner’s famous gaffe came only after the rest of the team had already blown the game. And that’s sort what happened here—the loss stemmed from a confluence of factors, not a singularly flawed candidate.

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Being a Terrible Candidate Isn’t What Doomed Martha Coakley

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Tons of BP Oil Is Still on the Bottom of the Gulf of Mexico

Mother Jones

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We all saw the images of oil-coated birds and shorelines in the wake of the 2010 Deepwater Horizon spill. These were the most visible impacts of the catastrophe, but much of the oil that gushed from the busted Macondo wellhead 5,000 feet underwater never made it to the surface. Of the estimated 5 million barrels that spilled, approximately 2 million stayed trapped in the deep ocean. And up to 31 percent of that oil is now lying on the ocean floor, according to a new study.

Based on an analysis of sea-floor sediment samples collected from the the Gulf of Mexico, geochemists at the University of California-Santa Barbara were able to offer the first clues about the final resting place of hundreds of thousands of barrels of oil. Their results were published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

The data, which was gathered as part of the ongoing federal damage assessment, shows “a smokingly clear signal, like a bulls-eye” around the Macondo well, said lead author David Valentine.

When oil first began to shoot out of the broken well, some 2 million barrels’ worth broke up into microscopic droplets before reaching the surface and became suspended in the deep ocean, Valentine said. His goal was to discover the fate of that oil, beyond the reach of any cleanup efforts, four years after the spill. The researchers combed through the sediment samples for traces of hopane, a chemical compound found in crude oil that doesn’t break down over time. Hopane was also used as a indicator of oil distribution following the Exxon-Valdez spill in 1989.

To test whether traces of hopane originated from the Macondo blowout—rather than from a natural seep or some other well—Valentine scrutinized both where they appeared in individual sediment cores and how concentrations changed at varying distances from the well. Both indicators strongly implicate the Macondo well, the study found. Close to the well, hopane concentrations were very high in the top half-inch of sediment, a sign that the chemical had been deposited recently and in great volumes. Even more telling was the spacial distribution: Within 25 miles of the well, hopane concentrations were 10 times higher than outside that boundary, Valentine said. A further clue was the distinctive splatter pattern in which hopane concentrations were found, which matched the pattern that would be expected from oil leaking from a well.

Add it all up, the study finds, and between 4 and 31 percent of the oil that originally was suspended in the deep ocean (roughly 80,000 to 620,000 barrels) has now come to rest on the ocean floor. The remainder, Valentine said, is still unaccounted for: It could still be suspended in the water column; it could have risen to the surface; it could have been eaten by bacteria, etc.

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Tons of BP Oil Is Still on the Bottom of the Gulf of Mexico

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The Walmart Heirs Are Worth More Than Everyone in Your City Combined

Mother Jones

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Everybody knows that middle-class incomes have stagnated while those of the richest Americans have skyrocketed, but the trend is even more pronounced when you look at the relative fortunes of the super-duper rich. Consider the Walmart heirs: Since 1983, their net worth has increased a staggering 6,700 percent. According to a report released today by the union-backed Economic Policy Institute, here’s how many American families earning the median income it would have taken to match the Waltons’ wealth in a given year:

In 1983, the Walton family’s net worth was $2.15 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 61,992 average American families, about the population* of…

Peoria, Arizona Hanroanu/Flickr

In 1989, the Walton family’s net worth was $9.42 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 200,434 average American families, about the population of…

Albuquerque, New Mexico Len “Doc” Radin/Flickr

In 1992, the Walton family’s net worth was $23.8 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 536,631 average American families, about the population of…

San Antonio. Texas Wells Dunbar/Flickr

In 1998, the Walton family’s net worth was $48 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 796,089 average American families, about the population of…

The State of New Mexico Shoshanah/Flickr

In 2001, the Walton family’s net worth was $92.8 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 1,077,761 average American families, about the population of…

Chicago, Illinois Conway Yao/Flickr

In 2010, the Walton family’s net worth was $89.5 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 1,157,827 average American families, about the population of…

The State of Arkansas (pictured: Walmart visitors center in Bentonville) Walmart/Flickr

In 2013, the Walton family’s net worth was $144.7 billion, equivalent to the net worth of 1,782,020 average American families, about the population of…

The State of Louisiana Jim Hobbs/Flickr

Correction: An earlier version of this article confused families with individuals, causing an under-estimate of how many individuals’ net worth would equal that of the Waltons. Population equivalents in this story are based on the size of the average American family: 2.55 individuals.

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The Walmart Heirs Are Worth More Than Everyone in Your City Combined

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Will it Take a Keg Stand for Mary Landrieu to Get Reelected?

Mother Jones

It’s game day in Baton Rouge, and the bro in the purple shirt wants Mary Landrieu’s help doing a keg stand.

Landrieu, elected three times by the narrowest of margins, is once again locked in a tight re-election campaign, this time against GOP Rep. Bill Cassidy. With six weeks until Election Day, every moment counts. She spent her Saturday morning at a beach near Lake Charles, in the state’s southwest corner, taking part in a cleanup effort co-sponsored by Citgo, the Venezuelan oil company, pegged to the anniversary of Hurricane Rita. As a member of the President’s party in a state where the President is deeply unpopular, this event neatly encapsulates Landrieu’s strategy: keep it local. She’ll fight for coastal restoration, but she’ll also fight for the oil and gas industry, and with her seniority and connections, she’ll cut deals to help out both.

The other part of her pitch is that she is an independent-minded daughter of Louisiana who is in touch with the needs and traditions of her constituents. Over the last month or so, that part of her messaging has taken a hit. First, the Washington Post reported that Landrieu listed her primary residence as her parents’ New Orleans home but spent most of her time in Washington, D.C. Seeing an opportunity, a one-time Republican challenger filed a lawsuit to have her taken off the ballot (that suit was thrown out). Thus, here we are on the edge of the LSU’s quad, four hours before the Tigers kick off against the Mississippi State Bulldogs, contemplating keg stands.

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Will it Take a Keg Stand for Mary Landrieu to Get Reelected?

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Should You Freak Out If You See a Kid Alone in a Parked Car?

Mother Jones

Should you automatically go to jail for leaving your kid alone in the car? That question has gained new attention since the arrest of Shanesha Taylor, an unemployed single mom who left her two young children in her vehicle during a 45-minute job interview in Scottsdale, Arizona. After her arrest, Taylor’s tearful mugshot elicited broad sympathy. Yet the temperature inside Taylor’s car that afternoon had risen above 100 degrees and her kids were crying and profusely sweating. (The prosecutor agreed to dismiss the child abuse charges against Taylor.)

While Taylor’s case may have been unusual, what parent hasn’t contemplated the pros and cons of extracting a napping baby from a car seat just to dash into a convenience store? Leaving a kid in a locked, parked vehicle in the shade is usually pretty safe. However, it’s definitely a bad idea to leave your kid unattended in a car for more than a few minutes on a hot day. Last year, at least 39 children died from heatstroke in vehicles; 21 have died so far this year. The interior of a car left in 80-degree heat with the windows rolled up can reach 120 degrees in less than an hour. Cracking the windows doesn’t always cool the car down. Small kids more easily succumb to heatstroke, which can kick in when the body’s internal temperature reaches just 104 degrees.

Whether leaving a child unattended in a car is a crime largely depends on where you live. Twenty states have laws addressing the issue. Only Louisiana, Maryland, and Nebraska outright ban the practice, though they differ on the definition of a child and a suitable guardian to stay in the car. Kids can remain in unattended vehicles for no more than 5 minutes in Texas, Utah, and Hawaii; you get 10 minutes in Illinois and 15 minutes in Florida. Laws in several other states, including California, specify that children can’t be left in a vehicle in dangerous conditions such as hot weather.

Here’s a map of all the current kids-in-cars laws:

Where is It Illegal to Leave Your Kid in the Car?

20 states have laws about leaving children alone in a car. Click any state for details.

item
No existing law
item
Illegal or unlawful under certain conditions; click state for details
Source: San Francisco State University

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States without kids-in-cars laws still may prosecute parents under child endangerment statues, which can be interpreted in wildly different ways. A New Jersey appellate court recently found a woman who’d left her 19-month-old in her car for less than 10 minutes (with the windows cracked) guilty of child abuse. “A parent invites substantial peril when leaving a child of such tender years alone in a motor vehicle that is out of the parent’s sight, no matter how briefly,” wrote a three-judge panel. The ruling, which was mocked in a Newark Star-Ledger op-ed as an embodiment of the “Busybody State,” will be reviewed by the state supreme court.

Lenore Skenazy, the author of Free-Range Kids, argues that public concern for the safety of unattended kids has escalated to the point of hysteria. She has heard dozens of stories of parents chastised by onlookers for, say, stepping away from a car full of kids to drop off a letter, return a shopping cart, or grab a cup of coffee. “The assumption is that any time a child is unsupervised, they are going to die,” Skenazy says, “and that goes 20 times for a kid in a car.”

Ideally, police would arrest parents in such situations only if their kids are clearly in serious danger. But that’s not always what happens. It’s not clear how many parents are arrested for leaving their kids unsupervised in cars, but a search for stories published in the past two years turned up dozens of cases like these:

Bastrop, Louisiana/February 2013: A teenager left an infant in a car on a “cool day” for approximately two minutes while shopping at a clothing store, according to the Bastrop Daily Enterprise. He was arrested and charged with child desertion.

Bettendorf, Iowa/June 2013: A mother left an infant in a car during an early-morning exercise class. According to the police report, the woman repeatedly stepped out of the hour-long class to check on the child. She was arrested and charged with child endangerment.

Yorktown, New York/October 2013: A father left a two-year-old boy in a car at a CVS parking lot for “several minutes,” according to the Daily Somers Voice. He was arrested and charged with endangering the welfare of a child.

Columbus, Indiana/June 2014: A father left a one-year-old and seven-year-old in a car with the windows cracked and the sunroof open for about 10 minutes while shopping at Kroger. He told an officer that he’d left the kids behind because the seven-year-old wasn’t wearing shoes. He was arrested and charged with child neglect.

Jacksonville, Florida/July 2014: A father left a seven-year-old boy in a car parked in the shade with the windows down outside a furniture store where he was a janitor. He was arrested and charged with child neglect. (Florida’s kids-in-cars law only applies to children under the age of six).

While some of these news stories might have omitted important details, a pattern clearly emerges of parents arrested for behavior that falls far short of what’s usually considered child abuse. The risk of a child succumbing to heatstroke when left in a car under normal conditions for 10 or 15 minutes is vanishingly small. “I could not find any instance of any person dying in the car in the course of a short errand,” says Skenazy, who has scrutinized kids-in-cars arrests for years. And adults who intentionally leave their kids in their vehicles for longer periods are not even the biggest problem: 80 percent of kids who die in parked cars were forgotten by their parents or entered the car without their parents’ knowledge.

Adults who park their kids in the shade and roll the windows down or leave the air conditioner running with the keys in the ignition may be accused of leaving tempting targets for kidnappers. But arresting a parent for ignoring the hypothetical risk of a child predator, as happened in Charleston, South Carolina in June, makes about as much sense as jailing her for feeding a kid solid food, letting him ride a bicycle, or allowing him to walk down a flight of stairs. In 1999, the last year for which comprehensive statistics are available, 115 of America’s 72 million children were kidnapped by strangers. (That’s all kidnappings, not just from cars.) That puts the risk of a child getting kidnapped in any given year at 0.0002 percent. A child has a much greater chance of getting struck by lightning at some point in his lifetime.

These arrests seem doubly unfair when they involve parents struggling to make ends meet with no better childcare options. Is the seven-year-old son of the janitor in Jacksonville better off now that his dad is in jail? How about the baby left in a car at 8:00 a.m., shielded from the sun, with the windows cracked and sunroof open, while her mom took a final exam for cosmetology school? Or the mother who left her two kids in the car while she donated blood plasma to get gas money? Arguably, these arrests represent the criminalization of the working poor—though more affluent parents aren’t immune to getting cuffed in the course of buying lattes or picking up the dry cleaning.

Skenazy sees many kids-in-cars laws as counterproductive. “The risk is so tiny that to start legislating on the basis of it would mean that you have to start legislating on everything,” she says. “We focus on the danger of the kid in the parked car, and nobody ever goes through the same paroxysms of fear and hand-wringing and anger when the mom or dad puts the child in the car to drive somewhere, even though that is the number one way children die. It’s in moving cars while they are being driven somewhere by the parents who love them. Why don’t we say to parents: ‘Why did you take them with you? Couldn’t you have found a babysitter and then gone to the grocery? Couldn’t you have had your groceries delivered by a neighbor?'”

“We’re not really concerned about the real ways kids die,” she adds. “We’re concerned about being mad at parents who don’t believe they have to be with their kids every single second of the day.”

So what is a reasonable onlooker supposed to do when confronted with an unattended kid inside a parked car? Consider the context, Skenazy says. Is it a grocery store parking lot where the parent will probably soon return, or an office park where everybody goes to work for the day? Is there another option short of calling the cops? “A Good Samaritan is looking out for the child. But they are also looking out for the mom,” Skenazy says. “They are not the KGB.”

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Should You Freak Out If You See a Kid Alone in a Parked Car?

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Contact: Country Music Heiress Holly Williams Waves Her Flag of Independence

Mother Jones

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Holly Williams in Brooklyn. Jacob Blickenstaff


Ben Watt


Joe Henry


Gabriel Kahane


Jolie Holland


Rodney Crowell


Jill Sobule


Benmont Tench


Leyla McCalla


Keith & Tex


Declan O’Rourke


Michael Daves

As the granddaughter of Hank Williams Sr. and daughter of Hank Williams Jr., Holly Williams‘ real inheritance may be the art of self-invention. Under a heavy mantle, Holly has carved out her own career as a singer-songwriter with a sweet but commanding voice and songs that tell the stories of family and friends in a wistful Southern setting.

The diamond-studded “HW” ring on her right hand is the only outward indication of country-royalty glitz. She grew up mostly outside of the music business, picking up the guitar in her late teens with a little help from her step-father, Johnny Christopher, a busy Nashville session guitarist and songwriter who co-wrote the modern classic “Always On My Mind.

Last year, Williams released her third album, The Highway, produced by Charlie Peacock and featuring guest appearances by Jackson Browne, Jakob Dylan, and Gwyneth Paltrow. She’s touring behind the album through August, here and in the United Kingdom. Jacob Blickenstaff photographed Holly in Brooklyn and spoke with her by phone from the road. The following is in her words:

It’s not that I see myself operating outside of country music in that I don’t like it, or I don’t want to be there. I’d like to think that my music would be played on country radio if it were the ’90s, when they had a lot more singer-songwriters on there, like Lyle Lovett and Mary Chapin Carpenter. Now it’s all that “bro-country,” with Daisy Dukes, beer, tailgating, and fireworks. So everybody calls me an Americana artist or singer-songwriter, along with those people who are not mainstream enough for country radio today. I think “The Highway” is a country song, but radio doesn’t hear it that way, so I’m just living on the outskirts.

I opened my first store a year and a half after the car wreck with my sister. I couldn’t play for about eight months, and I didn’t know how long it would be. My sister was terribly broken. She had 28 surgeries and was in bed for two years. I didn’t want to leave my family and go back on the road. The recession hit and I had split with my first label. I had to take off big chunks of time from music. Music is my first love and always will be, but retail is just in me. Hank Williams and his wife Audrey owned one of Nashville’s first retail stores on Broadway—Hank and Audrey’s Corral—and my grandfather on my mom’s side owned a mercantile, and that’s what my new store is named, White’s Mercantile.

It’s really nice for me to escape and have a couple of hours a day to work on the stores. When you’re a solo artist, you really just think about yourself all day: Here is my interview, here are my songs. I just love getting out of my own head. Even at home vacuuming, just staring at a machine sucking up dirt and it’s very mindless—these domestic things somehow bring the creativity and ideas.

I didn’t have a big struggle finding my own identity. I consider what my dad went through to be much harder, considering he was the son of Hank Williams. His mom had him on tour at eight years-old; he dealt with an unbelievable amount of pressure. He would sing his own songs and the audience would boo and leave. But he proved he could do his own music and sell 50 million records. I come from a line of very independent people.

In the beginning, people would come to the shows after drinking all day, thinking it was going to be rowdy because I’m Bocephus’ daughter. And here I am at the piano singing Tom Waits songs. I could probably be a lot wealthier if I had signed with a major label and did straight-up country songs. I wanted to be able to find it on my own. It’s the longer road, but the more fulfilling one.

I was completely kept away from the music business. It was always, “I’m not Bocephus, I’m Daddy.” All we knew was fishing on the farm and hunting and going to Montana and playing with the cows. Dad was on tour all the time, we saw him every two to three months. We lived a very normal life in Nashville. My dad didn’t even listen to the radio. It is the complete opposite of what people think.

The funny thing is, I didn’t pick up a guitar until I was 17, and it was through my stepfather. It was his guitar in the house. My dad never once mentioned, “y’all want to learn an instrument?”

I was writing lyrics at a really young age, like seven or eight. I loved to write stories. Throughout my teenage years I actually wanted to write poetry. When I picked up a guitar and learned three or four chords, that first day I ran downstairs and said, “Mom, I wrote a song!” it seemed like it came out of nowhere. It was very natural.

Whenever I’ve tried to sit down and write a song it never happens. Usually they come out of nowhere. “Waiting on June” came when I was washing dishes. A lot of songs get started that way, at a still moment. I just started singing it like that. I wanted to follow the story as starting from my Papaw’s standpoint; he was always waiting for her, from when they met to when they went to heaven.

The saying is true: “You don’t know what you have until it’s gone.” My grandparents died and suddenly we can’t go to their house for Christmas anymore; the family July 4 is over. There’s so much tradition that ends when a couple who had been together for 60 years are gone. We try to do it the same, but it will never be the same. Part of what I write is about getting older and reminiscing and wanting things to be back how they were, like picking pecans and hanging with the cows on Papaw’s farm.

The cemetery that the song “Gone Away From Me” was written about, Oak Ridge Cemetery, is about two miles from my grandparent’s house. It’s where they are buried and my great-great-aunt Stella who died in infancy is buried, as well as relatives that go back five generations. The song is from my mom’s viewpoint, and also the generation before her—they had a lot of tragedy. Every year, the whole White family would go down to the cemetery around July 4 and visit in the afternoon and be there for each other. Now my grandparents are buried there with just a quiet little oak tree, it’s a sacred place for me.

July 3rd was a dreaded friend of mine
We’d all go down to the family plot in the Louisiana pines
Staring at that little baby’s grave
Stella was as young as she was brave

And what I’d give to go there again
Kiss my daddy’s face, hold my mama’s hand
Little did I know soon they would be
Lying right beside her, gone away from me
Gone away from me.

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Contact: Country Music Heiress Holly Williams Waves Her Flag of Independence

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A Political History of "True Blood"

Mother Jones

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“How progressive of him.”

That was one of the first sentences that Bill Compton (played by Stephen Moyer), a nearly two-century-old vampire, ever uttered to his one true love Sookie Stackhouse (Anna Paquin) in the HBO series True Blood. The two were briefly discussing her friend, Sam Merlotte (Sam Trammell), and his support for the Vampire Rights Amendment (VRA), which would endow vampires with the same Constitutional rights identical as other Americans:

This was the first conversation, political or otherwise, that Sookie and Bill ever had. This exchange is from the pilot episode, which aired in late 2008, and it was an early hint that the True Blood crew would regularly inject political notes into their blood-and-sex vamp saga, to the point that each season can arguably be read as its own political allegory. With the seventh and final season premiering on Sunday, here’s a look back at some of the show’s political greatest hits:

1. The whole thing is really about gay rights and civil rights:

In the True Blood universe, vampires are—along with being sexy and dangerous—an oppressed minority. The struggle of mainstream, generally peaceful vampires to gain acceptance in American society is routinely paralleled with the fight for gay rights and marriage equality. Here’s a shot from the opening credit sequence that shows a “God Hates Fangs” sign—drop the “N” and it’s an obvious reference to the Westboro Baptist Church‘s infamous placards:

Screenshot: HBO

In 2010, GLAAD declared True Blood the most gay-friendly series on TV: “Thanks to its large cast (and often sexually ambiguous vampires), HBO’s True Blood is the most inclusive program currently on television, featuring six regular and recurring LGBT characters,” according to organization’s 2010-2011 “Where We Are on TV” report.

2. Rick Santorum and Michele Bachmann inspired the fifth season:

Season five features an insurgent group of fundamentalist vampires called the Sanguinistas, who are itching to instigate a civil war within the global bloodsucker community. According to True Blood creator Alan Ball, this violent, theocratic vampire movement was inspired by none other than failed 2012 Republican presidential candidates Michele Bachmann and Rick Santorum.

Here’s Ball, talking to TheWrap about how he mapped out the season, and how the two politicians inspired his vision of vampire terrorism:

For me the jumping off point was watching the Republican primaries, watching Michele Bachmann, Rick Santorum, and asking what would it be like to have a theocracy in America—which is way more terrifying than any fictional monster could ever be…What’s terrifying is how many people agree with Santorum.

“A lot of right-wingers would like to see a theocracy in America,” Ball said in an interview with Entertainment Weekly.

3. “The Obamas” are an anti-vamp death squad:

The fifth season also introduced the Obamas, a gun-fetishizing, anti-supernatural band of thugs. As they roam around killing vampires and other supernatural beings, they hide their faces behind Barack Obama masks:

Screenshot: HBO

4. The final season appears to reference the devastation of Hurricane Katrina:

The new season finds Sookie’s hometown of Bon Temps, Louisiana, at the center of a new war between humans and a band of infected, extra-ravenous vampires. Some the town’s residents take matters into their own hands, raiding the local police department’s cache of firearms. “We’re here for our guns that are a part of our Second Amendment right not to be fucked over by our government!” one of the spooked citizens says.

An investigation brings the Bon Temps cops to another community that has been slaughtered by the same group of roving vampires. They find this in the decimated town:

Screenshot: HBO

The federal government did not act to save these people, and failed to answer Bon Temps’ cries for help. This should remind you of something else that happened to Louisiana some years ago.

5. There’s a politically powerful church that drives the anti-vamp-rights agenda:

The Fellowship of the Sun is based outside of Dallas and aims to wage a holy war against all vampires. The church also cuts TV ads to counter pro-VRA forces in Congress. “Children see this lifestyle, and maybe they want to imitate it,” says a woman in the following political ad:

6. The Louisiana governor is pretty much a vampire-hating Hitler:

In the sixth season, Gov. Truman Burrell (Arliss Howard) oversees a major crackdown on the state’s vampire population. His policies—death camps, terrible medical experiments on vampires—take a cue from the Nazis. For the record, BuzzFeed’s Louis Peitzman raised a fair point about this last year: “Here’s the real problem with True Blood‘s civil rights allegory: In this case, the so-called bigots are right. Their discrimination of vampires is reasonable, because all of their fears about vampires are true.”

Anyway, here’s a clip of one of Burrell’s speeches, in which he announces the closure of vampire-owned businesses and encourages Louisianans to buy guns and ammo:

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A Political History of "True Blood"

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Louisiana Republicans Wondering Why Bobby Jindal Doesn’t Call Them Anymore

Mother Jones

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Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal has a new health care reform plan, a new political non-profit, and dreams of running for president in two years. But for the time being, he’s still governor of Louisiana.

Sort of.

Even as the legislature wrestles over hot-button issues—including a bill to rein in the Common Core math and English standards and a proposal to prevent parishes from suing oil companies for coastal land loss—the second-term governor has been largely AWOL from Baton Rouge. He’s as likely to pop up at the DC speech circuit (or in an early 2016 primary state) as he is to pick up the phone to hammer out legislation. And according to Louisiana-based investigative reporting site The Lens, Republicans back home are starting to take it personally:

Pearson said he finds Jindal’s detachment “a little disheartening.” The Slidell Republican said he has seen the governor twice this session: on opening day and at a committee chairman’s lunch.

“We have big problems with the budget. It looks like we’re kicking the can down the road for the next one or two years,” Pearson said, adding, “God, it would be nice to see his face on the House floor.

“He’s the governor, the leader of the state. It’s like being on a battlefield and seeing your general to know he’s there and cares about the troops,” Pearson added. “He should want to be here, be engaged. I don’t see any evidence that he is.”

Unease over Jindal’s frequent out-of-state visits has been simmering for a while now among conservative allies. (Previously, The Lens explored the governor’s failure to build to relationships with GOP lawmakers, with more than a dozen on-the-record critiques.) When I profiled Jindal for the magazine in March, I was struck by just how little love was lost between the boy-genius governor and the rank-and-file of his state party. As GOP presidential primary season creeps closer, those tensions aren’t likely to go away.

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Louisiana Republicans Wondering Why Bobby Jindal Doesn’t Call Them Anymore

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BP won’t pay for Gulf oil spill research

BP won’t pay for Gulf oil spill research

Visit St. Pete/Clearwater

Who’ll be watching out for the dolphins?

If BP let a bull loose in a China shop, the company would take umbrage at the usual “you break it, you bought it” policy.

The oil giant is refusing to pay for some of the ongoing research into the environmental effects of its 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill, forcing the federal government to spend money on the needed science — money that had been earmarked for oil spill emergencies. The Financial Times reports:

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, a US government agency, wrote to BP last July seeking almost $148m to pay for “injury assessment and restoration planning activities”, including funding of $2.2m for research into the recovery of the coastal wetlands, more than $10m for dolphins and whales and $22m for oysters.

In October, BP replied to the NOAA request rejecting the majority of those requests, saying it was concerned over “the lack of visibility and accountability” in the process, and the unwillingness of the [Natural Resource Damage Assessment] trustees, which are US federal agencies and coastal state governments, to engage in technical discussions of the substantive issues.

BP boasts that it has paid more than $1 billion for damage assessment so far, as if that were some kind of an altruistic act. The company claims that the government is withholding scientific data produced during the assessment from its attorneys — data it says would prove that its oil spill wasn’t really all that bad.

The Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority, a Louisiana agency involved with some of the post-spill studies, says much more research is needed. “There has never been a spill like this one, the largest, most expensive and the longest active spill response, and a similar level of effort needs to be applied to assessment and restoration,” Kyle Graham, the authority’s executive director, told The Times-Picayune. “We are likely years away from being comfortable with the assessment.”

The fact that BP is having to pay out billions in compensation to Gulf area businesses allegedly hurt by the spill probably isn’t making the company feel more generous.


Source
BP refuses to pay for more research on Deepwater Horizon oil spill effects on dolphins, turtles, oysters, The Times-Picayune
BP refuses to fund Gulf oil spill studies, The Financial Times

John Upton is a science fan and green news boffin who tweets, posts articles to Facebook, and blogs about ecology. He welcomes reader questions, tips, and incoherent rants: johnupton@gmail.com.

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BP won’t pay for Gulf oil spill research

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