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The Koch Brothers’ Network Aims to Spend $889 Million on the 2016 Elections

Mother Jones

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$889 million.

That’s how much Charles and David Koch’s political network hopes to spend on the presidential race, House and Senate contests, and other elections and policy fights in 2016. That figure is not far off from how much President Barack Obama’s and Mitt Romney’s presidential efforts each spent in 2012. It is well over what John Kerry and George W. Bush together spent during the 2004 campaign. This fundraising target was announced Monday morning at the Koch brothers’ winter retreat for members of their elite donor network.

And there’s a good chance that much of the money the Kochs and their allies plan to unleash will be spent in the dark—that is, with little disclosure of the true source of those millions. (Key parts of the Koch network are nonprofit advocacy groups that engage in political work without revealing their donors.)

If the Koch network—which included 450 or so attendees at this weekend’s donor confab—meets it $889-million goal for 2016, it would more than double its outlay from the last presidential election season. During the 2012 campaign, the Kochs’ collection of nonprofit groups spent over $400 million, with a sizable chunk of that aimed at defeating President Obama.

The Kochs and their donor-allies are now essentially their own political party. As the New York Times‘ Nick Confessore points out, the Koch network’s $889 million exceeds the spending power of the Republican Party:

Here’s some context from the Washington Post about how that money—it’s unclear how much of it will come from the Koch family itself—could be spent:

The $889 million goal reflects the budget goals of all the allied groups that the network funds. Those resources will go into field operations, new technology and policy work, among other projects.

The group—which is supported by hundreds of wealthy donors on the right, along with the Kochs—is still debating whether it will spend some of that money in the GOP primaries. Such a move could have a major impact in winnowing the field of contenders but could also undercut the network’s standing if it engaged in intraparty politics and was not successful.

Marc Short, the president of Freedom Partners, which hosts the Kochs’ donor enclaves, told the Post that “2014 was nice, but there’s a long way to go.” He said that putting free-market ideals at the center of American life is the goal of the Kochs and their allies, adding, “Politics is a necessary means to that end, but not the only one.”

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The Koch Brothers’ Network Aims to Spend $889 Million on the 2016 Elections

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One Perfect Tweet Sums Up Why Climate Denial in Congress Is So Dangerous

Mother Jones

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Here’s the good news: Yesterday the Senate voted overwhelmingly in favor of an amendment to the Keystone XL bill that says “climate change is real and not a hoax.” Good work, ladies and gentlemen! Glad we got that on the record, only 25 years after scientists agreed on it.

Here’s the bad news: Turns out the vote was just an excuse for James Inhofe (Okla.) to say, as he has many times before: Sure, climate change is real. The climate changes all the time. But humans aren’t the cause.

His evidence for this dismissal of the mainstream scientific consensus? The bible.

Oy vey.

Now here’s the really bad news: This same gentleman from Oklahoma recently became the chairman of the very Senate committee that oversees environmental policy. And two of his climate change-denying peers will chair other subcommittees that oversee vital climate science.

In case it isn’t self-evident why these facts are so terrible, we have our lovely readers to sum it up:

Thanks, Sharon Dennis!

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One Perfect Tweet Sums Up Why Climate Denial in Congress Is So Dangerous

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Breathing Air Shouldn’t Be This Dangerous

Mother Jones

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Looking at China’s recent surge of toxic smog, it’s clear the nation’s air pollution crisis isn’t going away any time soon. Now we have some fresh statistics that reveal the extent of the problem.

New rankings released today by Greenpeace reveal that 90 percent of Chinese cities that report their air pollution levels are failing to meet China’s own national standards—the latest indication of the monumental challenges facing the Chinese government in cleaning up the air breathed by tens of millions of people. It’s a worry that has become a political thorn in the side of the Communist Party, intent on maintaining its power in the face of growing public restlessness over environmental degradation.

The analysis comes at a time when large swaths of the country suffer under thick layers of toxic smog—usually worse in winter, as demand for central heating increases coal-fired power production. The smog persists despite the government’s self-declared “war on pollution” in 2014, which includes measures to curtail coal use in big cities like Beijing, and limit heavy industries.

The statistics, derived from China’s Ministry of Environmental Protection, measure a city’s yearly average concentration of PM2.5, shorthand for the toxic airborne particles from coal burning and industrial exhaust. In 2014, just 18 cities out of a total 190 met what’s known as China’s “Class II” standard of 35 micrograms per cubic meter of air, considered within the healthy range. (The US standard is about half that number). A quarter of the cities recorded levels more than double the national standard.

The most polluted places are among the most populous. Of the 10 cities with the worst PM2.5 air pollution, seven of them were in Hebei, the coal belt province neighboring Beijing. In the top five worst offenders is heavy industry hub Baoding (ironically home to the world’s largest solar manufacturing plant, which is trying to wean the country off coal) and the notoriously polluted Shijiazhuang, where, last year a local man attempted to sue the local government over air pollution. Both cities recorded average levels more than 3.6 times China’s limit, which came into effect in 2012. Life spans in China’s north, where coal plants are ubiquitous, are thought to be five years shorter than those in the south of the country, according to a 2013 study.

Average rates of pollution, of course, don’t provide a clear picture of the off-the-charts spikes experienced regularly across major cities, such as in mid-January this year, when concentration of PM2.5 exceeded 500, according to the US Embassy in Beijing, or in 2013, when some instruments recorded levels of over 1000 in the northern city of Harbin.

Greenpeace’s latest campaign is accompanied by the release of a short film by famous Chinese filmmaker Jia Zhangke, the critically acclaimed director of 2013’s “A Touch of Sin“. The film shows scenes from daily life in China, under the pall of smog:

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Breathing Air Shouldn’t Be This Dangerous

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Climate Hawks Aren’t Impressed With Obama’s Methane Plan

Mother Jones

This article originally appeared at Grist and is republished here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

You would expect environmentalists to offer effusive praise as President Obama releases the final major component of his Climate Action Plan: a proposal to clamp down on methane emissions from the oil and gas sector. And at first glance, they did.

“This announcement once again demonstrates the President’s strong commitment to tackling the climate crisis,” said League of Conservation Voters President Gene Karpinski. A number of other environmental groups echoed that sentiment. If you didn’t read between the lines, you might think Obama had given them all they wanted.

He did not. Not even close. Environmental leaders, while praising the Obama administration’s intentions, warned that it will have to do much more than it pledged to last week if it is to meet its own stated goal for cutting methane emissions.

Methane, you’ll remember, is a greenhouse gas that is 86 times more potent than CO2 over a 20-year timeframe. When natural gas or oil is extracted through a fracking well, some methane often leaks out. (Natural gas is pretty much just methane.) Methane can also leak from old, abandoned wells, and from pipelines during transport. Between 1 and 3 percent of all US natural gas production is lost to leakage. According to government estimates, methane makes up 9 percent of US greenhouse gas emissions, and roughly one-third of that comes from the production and transportation of oil and gas. When natural gas is burned as a fuel, it releases about half as much CO2 as coal, but studies have found that methane leakage can wipe out natural gas’s climate advantage over coal. Methane from oil and gas is the fastest-growing source of greenhouse gases in the US and it is projected to grow 25 percent by 2025 if no action is taken to stop it.

Hence the Obama administration now says it will take action—but what it’s proposing is not nearly far-reaching enough, activists say. The administration last week laid out an ambitious target for reducing methane emissions, but no definite way of getting there. They say that they intend to reduce methane leakage by 40 to 45 percent from 2012 levels by 2025. But their plan does not propose to regulate leakage from existing wells and pipelines, just from new and modified sources. This despite the fact that existing wells will continue to be big leakers into the future; one study last year projected that nearly 90 percent of methane emissions from the oil and gas sector in 2018 will come from sources that were in existence in 2011.

The EPA hasn’t actually unveiled its draft regulations yet—that will happen this summer, followed by a public comment period, and then the regs will be finalized next year. Meanwhile, EPA says it will work with the oil and gas industry to help it voluntarily control leaks at existing wells without federal rulemaking.

Even the enviros who had nice things to say about the plan still urged Obama to address existing sources as well as new ones. Leading Senate climate hawk Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) subtly expressed his hopes for a more complete plan, saying, “While these are important first steps, we also need to pin down the full scope of the methane leakage problem and implement strong, enforceable standards throughout the oil and gas supply chain.” Asked by Grist for clarification of what that meant, Whitehouse spokesperson Seth Larson said in an email, “we hope more will be done in the future on both methane leakage and on existing sources.”

The Environmental Defense Fund, which has been criticized by other enviros for working with the oil and gas industry to improve fracking practices, also called for rules that govern existing sources. “We will need a clearer roadmap and more decisive action to ensure the administration tackles the most important part of the problem—emissions from existing wells, pipelines, and facilities,” said EDF President Fred Krupp. “Otherwise, the goal will not be reached. There is no reason to wait 10 years to fix a problem that can be addressed right now at low cost.” And based on its own experience, EDF thinks industry can’t be counted on to do it without being forced. “The smarter companies are already taking steps to address methane emissions, but the vast majority are not,” observed Mark Brownstein, who heads EDF’s natural gas program. “That is why we need a policy that makes ‘best practice’ the standard practice.”

Some green groups dropped the diplomacy altogether and expressed outright disappointment. “We cannot afford to wait,” said Sierra Club Executive Director Michael Brune. “EPA and BLM must act quickly to reduce methane emissions from all new and existing sources of methane pollution in the oil and gas sector, including the transmission and distribution of natural gas.” Greenpeace, Public Citizen, and Friends of the Earth issued a joint press release declaring, “The Obama administration must reconsider their strategy on methane and put out a much stronger proposed rule than they suggest today.”

These enviros specifically criticize the slow pace of the administration’s effort, which threatens to leave the job unfinished when Obama’s successor—possibly a climate science-denying Republican—takes office. “We hoped at this point they would propose a rule itself,” said Kate DeAngelis, climate and energy campaigner for Friends of the Earth. The administration had previously said it would introduce regulations last fall.

There are a few other components of the administration’s methane plan. The two most significant ones are that the Bureau of Land Management will propose new rules to prevent venting, flaring, and leaking natural gas from all wells on federal lands, and that EPA will propose limits on volatile organic compound (VOC) leakage from new and existing wells in a large swath of the Northeast with elevated smog levels and a few other high-pollution regions. (VOCs are a precursor to smog production.) While a rule to limit VOC leakage from gas wells is not targeted at methane, the VOCs and methane come out together and any policy that restricts one will help to cut back on the other. But these rules will only cover a small fraction of wells, which are mostly on private land in rural areas.

And, of course, some greens point out that the federal government shouldn’t be selling leases to drill for oil and gas on public land in the first place.

The most charitable interpretation of the administration’s tentativeness is that they are trying to be realistic. “My sense is they feel they would be biting off more than they can chew in the remaining time in the administration to get new- and existing-source regulations through the whole review process,” said Joanne Spaulding, a senior managing attorney with the Sierra Club. “We’ve been saying this is achievable, but they’re making a decision about their own resources to get the job done.”

They may also be trying to avoid an industry backlash. “The industry has been lobbying and saying, ‘We don’t need regulations, we can do this on a voluntary basis,'” said Spaulding. The American Petroleum Institute attacked the plan on Wednesday. “Onerous new regulations could threaten the shale energy revolution, America’s role as a global energy superpower, and the dramatic reductions in CO2 emissions made possible by an abundant and affordable domestic supply of clean-burning natural gas,” said API President Jack Gerard. Since methane leakage can wipe out the benefit of those reductions in CO2, Gerard’s statement is nonsensical and misleading. As Spaulding says, “Industry will not be happy being regulated at all, so you might as well do the whole thing.”

Optimists in the environmental movement note that Obama hasn’t ruled out adding on methane rules for existing sources at a later date. But time is running out.

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Climate Hawks Aren’t Impressed With Obama’s Methane Plan

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A Drug Warrior’s Inside Look at the War on Afghanistan’s Heroin Trade

Mother Jones

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One of the many messes the United States is leaving behind as it formally withdraws from Afghanistan is that it’s more or less a narco state. Despite the United States spending nearly $8 billion to fight the Afghan narcotics trade, the country is producing more opium than ever. It’s unlikely to get better anytime soon: Last month, the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction reported that counternarcotics efforts in Afghanistan “are no longer a top priority.”

The roots of the problem really aren’t that complicated, says Edward Follis. “It really does come down to basic economics.” The Taliban “has decided they would exploit the economic dearth of all these people that can’t provide for themselves, and they take it from there.”

For several years, Follis headed up the Drug Enforcement Administration’s efforts in Afghanistan as the agency’s country attaché, reporting directly to the US ambassador. After chasing drug kingpins in Thailand, Mexico, and Colombia, Follis was sent to Afghanistan in 2006 and was tasked with bringing down the figures behind its narcotics trade. He spent 27 years with the agency. Today he is director of special projects for 5 Stones Intelligence, an intel and investigative firm based in Miami.

Follis recounts his experiences in his memoir (with co-author Douglas Century), The Dark Art: My Undercover Life in Global Narco-Terrorism, which was published last year. In the book, Follis recounts making drug deals with Mexican cartels, setting up phony gun deals, working deep undercover to help take down the notorious Shan United Army in Burma, and hanging out with a major Lebanese drug trafficker at Disneyland. In Afghanistan, he befriended accused Taliban financier Haji Juma Khan. While some American officials wanted to take out Khan in a drone strike, Follis claims that he convincingly argued that he should be brought in alive. Khan is now awaiting trial in New York City on charges of conspiring to distribute narcotics with to support a terrorist organization.

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A Drug Warrior’s Inside Look at the War on Afghanistan’s Heroin Trade

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It’s Official: 2014 Was the Hottest Year on Record

Mother Jones

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Japan Meteorological Agency (JMA)

For many Americans, 2014 will be remembered for its multiple blasts of Arctic air and bitter winters. And this week, another bout of freezing temperatures is marching east across the country, in the first major thermometer plunge of the season.

But as cold as you may have been last year, it’s now official that 2014 was actually the hottest year globally since record-keeping began. So confirmed the Japan Meteorological Agency in preliminary data released Monday.

The Japanese government agency monitors and records the long-term change of the global average surface temperatures and found that 2014 was far warmer than previous years. How much warmer? 2014 exceeded the 1981-2010 temperature average by 0.27 degrees Celsius (or 0.49 degrees Fahrenheit). There was unusually warm weather all around the world, from a record-breaking heat wave in Australia to the hottest European summer in 500 years.

The data shows that four out of the five hottest years on record have occurred in the last decade: In second place is 1998, then 2010 and 2013 tied for third, and 2005 in fifth place. The new numbers reveal that the world has been warming at an average rate of 0.7 degrees Celsius (or 1.26 degrees Fahrenheit) per century since records began.

Two US government agencies, NOAA and NASA, are expected to confirm the results of the Japanese observations in the coming weeks.

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It’s Official: 2014 Was the Hottest Year on Record

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There’s More to the Oil Collapse Than Just Shale

Mother Jones

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Bloomberg provides us today with the following chart of oil prices over the years:

James Pethokoukis has a complaint:

There is one major factor affecting oil prices that somehow got left out. Really, nothing on fracking and the shale oil revolution? Granted, it’s not an event easy to exactly date (though somehow the accompanying article manages the trick), but neither is China’s economic takeoff, and that got a shout-out.

It’s a fair point—but only up to a point. Keep in mind that US shale oil production has been growing steadily for the past five years, and during most of that time oil prices have been going up. It’s only in the past six months that oil prices have collapsed. Obviously there’s more going on than just shale.

James Hamilton, who knows as much about the energy market as anyone, figures that about 40 percent of the recent oil crash is due to reduced demand—probably as a result of global economic weakness. Of the remainder, a good guess is that half is due to shale oil and half is due to the OPEC price war in Bloomberg’s chart.

In other words, although US shale oil production is likely to have a moderate long-term impact, it’s probably responsible for a little less than a third of the current slump in oil prices. The rest is up to OPEC and a weak economy. So give shale its due, but don’t overhype it. It’s still responsible for only about 5 percent of global production.

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There’s More to the Oil Collapse Than Just Shale

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Quote of the Day: Hooray For Nerdy Details!

Mother Jones

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From Ben Goldacre, author of I Think You’ll Find it’s a Bit More Complicated Than That, a physician and author who debunks health fads and can be thought of as sort of an anti-Dr. Oz:

I think the public want nerdy details more than many in the media realize.

Preach it brother! Interviewer Julia Belluz asked Goldacre if he’d seen any progress over the past decade, and I found his answer pretty interesting:

I think the really big change has been the Internet. What was really frustrating when I first started writing in the Guardian in 2003 was you would see mainstream media journalists and dodgy doctors and scientists speaking with great authority and hopelessly distorting research in a way that was dangerous and scaremongering. There was no way to talk back.

When I started writing the column I felt like I was talking back on behalf of this enormous crowd of disenfranchised nerds and nerdy doctors. Now with blogs, Twitter, and comments under articles, what you can see is everybody can talk back. On top of that, not only can people more easily find a platform to put things right when they’re wrong and also explain how they’re wrong and how to understand science better, but also anybody who is interested in something, who is sufficiently motivated and clueful, can go out and find out about it online. That’s an amazing thing. It wasn’t the case ten to 15 years ago. People now are now much more empowered to fight back against stupid stuff, and to read about interesting stuff.

Given that Dr. Oz and his ilk seem to be at least as popular as ever, I guess I’m not quite as optimistic as Goldacre. The problem is that the internet does help people who are “sufficiently motivated and clueful,” but that’s never been a big part of the population. And sadly, the internet is probably as bad or worse than Dr. Oz for all the people who don’t know how to do even basic searches and don’t have either the background or the savvy to distinguish between good advice and hogwash. Regular readers will recognize this as a version of my theory that “the internet is now a major driver of the growth of cognitive inequality.” Or in simpler terms, “the internet makes dumb people dumber and smart people smarter.”

In fairness, the rest of the interview suggests that Goldacre is pretty well aware that the impact of his writing is fairly limited (“I don’t think you can reason people out of positions they didn’t reason themselves into”), and he shows a nuanced appreciation of exactly when his writing might influence a conversation here and there. The whole thing is a good read.

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Quote of the Day: Hooray For Nerdy Details!

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2014 Was the Year We Finally Started to Do Something About Climate Change

Mother Jones

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2014 was a big year for climate news, good and bad. In June, the Obama administration took its biggest step yet in the fight against global warming by introducing regulations to limit greenhouse gases from existing power plants. And while there was plenty of anti-science rhetoric and opposition to climate action (no, the polar vortex does not disprove climate change), the year came to a dramatic end with at least three landmark climate-related stories: In September, hundreds of thousands of protesters around the world marched to demand climate action. November’s historic deal between the US and China to curb greenhouse emissions breathed new life into international climate negotiations. And finally, after a series of last-minute compromises, leaders from nearly 200 countries produced the Lima Accord, which, for the first time, calls on all nations to develop plans to limit their emissions. All eyes are now on Paris, where next year world leaders will meet in an attempt to work out a major global warming deal.

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2014 Was the Year We Finally Started to Do Something About Climate Change

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Someone Needs to Invent a Great Non-Opioid Painkiller

Mother Jones

Austin Frakt writes about the stunningly widespread use and abuse of narcotic painkillers in the US:

Opioids now cause more deaths than any other drug, more than 16,000 in 2010. That year, the combination of hydrocodone and acetaminophen became the most prescribed medication in the United States. Patients here consumed 99 percent of the world’s hydrocodone, the opioid in Vicodin. They also consumed 80 percent of the world’s oxycodone, present in Percocet and OxyContin, and 65 percent of the world’s hydromorphone, the key ingredient in Dilaudid, in 2010. (Some opioids are also used to treat coughs, but that use doesn’t seem to be a major factor in the current wave of problems.)

When I got out of the hospital a couple of months ago, I was in considerable pain. The answer was morphine. For about two weeks, I took a couple of low-dose morphine tablets each day. Then the pain eased and I stopped.

I resisted the morphine at first, and my doctor had to argue me into using it regularly. “You broke a bone in your back,” she told me. “Your pain is legitimate. We have a lot of experience treating pain with morphine, and you’ll be all right.”

I finally listened, and the morphine did indeed work as advertised. But it somehow got me thinking. Morphine? That’s the best we can do? This stuff was invented 200 years ago. And while there are newer painkillers around, they’re all opioids of one kind or another with all the usual horrible side effects1. How is it that in over a century of research, we still know so little about pain that we haven’t been able to create a powerful, non-opioid painkiller?

I’m not really going anywhere with this. I’m just curious. Are there any good books, or even long magazine articles, about this? Why is that even after gazillions of dollars of effort, we’re still relying on variants of the opium poppy for serious pain relief? It’s the 21st century. How come we can’t do better?

1Addiction, nausea, wooziness, constipation, etc.

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Someone Needs to Invent a Great Non-Opioid Painkiller

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