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Top Republican Spokesman Thinks Pussy Grabbing Might Not Be Assault

Mother Jones

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Sean Spicer, a top Republican National Committee official, on Sunday night refused to acknowledge that the conduct Donald Trump claimed to have engaged in during a 2005 Access Hollywood taping constitutes sexual assault. In that video, which has roiled the GOP since its release Friday afternoon by the Washington Post, Trump discussed forcibly kissing women and grabbing their genitals. “Grab them by the pussy,” Trump said. “You can do anything.” In the days since, the press has referred to what Trump described as sexual assault. Trump’s shocking comments caused women around the country to come forward with their own stories of being assaulted in this way on social media and in the press—describing it repeatedly as a violent form of sexual assault that still haunts them.

But Spicer, the RNC’s communications director, refused to acknowledge that grabbing someone’s genitals is sexual assault when asked about this by The Weekly Standard after Sunday’s debate. “I don’t know,” he said. “I’m not a lawyer.”

The answer sounds a lot like Republican Sen. Marco Rubio when he once dodged a question about how old the planet is by saying, “I’m not a scientist, man.” Except Spicer is talking about sexual assault—and trying to minimize the definition and experiences of the people subjected to it. Perhaps Politico reporter Edward-Isaac Dovere said it best:

Spicer isn’t the only Trump supporter trying to claim that what Trump described is not sexual assault. Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.) also denied that groping someone’s genitals is sexual assault. Here is Sessions’ exchange with The Weekly Standard:

SESSIONS: This was very improper language, and he’s acknowledged that.

TWS: But beyond the language, would you characterize the behavior described in that video as sexual assault if that behavior actually took place?

SESSIONS: I don’t characterize that as sexual assault. I think that’s a stretch. I don’t know what he meant—

TWS: So if you grab a woman by the genitals, that’s not sexual assault?

SESSIONS: I don’t know. It’s not clear that he—how that would occur.

Unlike Spicer, Sessions is a lawyer—one who’s nomination to a federal judgeship three decades ago capsized after critics accused him of racism.

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Top Republican Spokesman Thinks Pussy Grabbing Might Not Be Assault

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Ted Cruz Says Building Trump’s Wall Is Like Fighting Slavery and Jim Crow

Mother Jones

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In a primetime address to the Republican National Convention Wednesday, Ted Cruz compared GOP efforts to restrict immigration to the civil rights movement’s fight against Jim Crow laws. But the Texas senator was loudly booed by Donald Trump supporters in the convention hall when it became clear that he was not going to endorse the man who beat him for the Republican presidential nomination. Instead, Cruz encouraged his audience to “vote your conscience, vote for candidates up and down the ticket who you trust to defend our freedom and to be faithful to the Constitution.”

“We deserve leaders who stand for principle, unite us all behind shared values, cast aside anger for love,” Cruz said, in what many considered the first campaign speech of his likely 2020 presidential campaign. “That is the standard we should expect, from everybody.”

Rather than directly back Trump—who mocked his wife Heidi’s looks during the primary campaign and once suggested Cruz’s dad was complicit in the Kennedy assassination—Cruz used his prime-time slot to outline his vision of freedom.

“Freedom means free speech, not politically correct safe spaces,” he said, taking a shot at progressive college campus activists. He rattled off a series of other bullet points—religious freedom, the right to bear arms, school vouchers, and repealing Obamacare. Each of those freedoms are typical conservative talking points that the party’s nominee rarely mentions. Although Cruz’s speech focused less on social conservative issues than it might have in years past, he included a call for Washington to stay out of defining issues like marriage.

But Cruz made sure to endorse parts of Trump’s platform as well. He cited the success of the United Kingdom’s recent Brexit vote as indicative of a growing populist wave. “We deserve an immigration system that puts America first and, yes, builds a wall to keep us safe, that stops admitting ISIS terrorists as refugees,” Cruz said. “We deserve trade policies that put the interests of American farmers and manufacturing jobs over the global interests funding the lobbyists.” Cruz had never previously campaigned as an economic protectionist.

Even as he adopted aspects of the current nominee’s most controversial proposals, Cruz was careful to couch his political fight in the context of historical struggles. “Together we passed the Civil Rights Act, and together we fought to eliminate Jim Crow laws,” he said. “Those were fights for freedom, and so is this.”

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Ted Cruz Says Building Trump’s Wall Is Like Fighting Slavery and Jim Crow

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Here’s Another Crazy Thing Texas Republicans Are Voting on Today

Mother Jones

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Texas Republicans are convening today to cast their ballot on a number of matters close to the Lone Star state’s conservative heart. The most notable issue is whether or not to secede from the rest of the United States, as ardent nationalists in the party are hoping to do.

But buried in the long list of standard Republican agenda items includes the following gem, one that’s stereotypically reserved for members of the left wing:

Despite the unusual bipartisan paranoia, Republicans hoping to opt out of the government-backed meters are likely fresh out of luck: In 2014 the same proposal was overwhelmingly rejected by state lawmakers who were not persuaded that the technology was endangering the public.

Anyone in search for another issue with red and blue support should look no further than the aforementioned vote on Texas secession. As our own Josh Harkinson notes, that, too, has cheerleaders from both ends of the political spectrum.

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Here’s Another Crazy Thing Texas Republicans Are Voting on Today

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Another Look at Young High School Grads

Mother Jones

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Over at the Economic Policy Institute, I’m in hot water over my question about the unemployment rate for young high school grads:

Mother Jones’ Kevin Drum seems to dislike a New York Times article calling job prospects for young high school graduates “grim.” Along the way, he directs an odd bit of unprovoked snark at us….The reason we get 17.8 percent while Kevin gets 11.2 percent when looking at unemployment rates for young high school graduates is pretty obvious: we’re looking at 17-20 year old high school graduates who are not enrolled in further schooling while he is looking at 20-24 year old high-school graduates (no college).

For the record, I meant for my snark to be aimed not at EPI, but at the Times. Their reporter should have done at least a cursory check of standard BLS data to see if it backed up her story, but she didn’t. That said, let’s take a closer look at the EPI data.

I can’t quite recreate their methodology, but that doesn’t matter. As usual, I’m only asking, “Compared to what?” In this case the question is, “How does unemployment among young high school grads compare to the normal rate before the recession?” Here’s the EPI chart:

I’m just eyeballing this, but it looks like the pre-crisis average was a little over 15 percent. Today it’s 18 percent. In other words, about one-fifth higher than normal. That’s roughly the same as 6 percent compared to 5 percent.

So if the headline unemployment rate were at 6 percent, would you call that “grim”? I wouldn’t. I’d say there’s certainly room for improvement, but it’s not too bad. Ditto for young high school grads. There’s clearly room for further improvement, but the current numbers don’t suggest an ongoing crisis. Things are very much getting back to normal.

I realize that my hobbyhorse about the economy might be getting annoying. And I sympathize with everyone on the left who wants to make sure we don’t declare victory and give up on further economic gains, especially for the working and middle classes. At the same time, we should also respect what the numbers are telling us. And by all the usual conventional measures, the economy is is pretty good shape. For now, at least, the recession really is largely over.

POSTSCRIPT: Just to make sure I’m as clear as possible, I’ll repeat what I said a couple of days ago: what the numbers tell us is that the current state of the economy as conventionally measured is pretty good compared to normal. This has nothing to do with larger, structural critiques of the economy. If you think that tax rates are too high or wages are too stagnant or income inequality is out of control, those are entirely different issues. These kinds of critiques have very little to do with how well or badly the economy is performing at the moment.

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Another Look at Young High School Grads

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At CNN Town Hall, Clinton Again Refuses to Release Goldman Sachs Transcripts

Mother Jones

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During Tuesday’s Democratic presidential candidate town hall at the University of South Carolina School of Law, CNN’s Chris Cuomo pressed former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s on her continued refusal to release transcripts of her paid speeches to Goldman Sachs.

“Will you agree to release these transcripts? They have become an issue,” Cuomo asked.

“Sure, if everybody does it, and that includes the Republicans, because we know they have made a lot of speeches,” Clinton said, before pivoting to a defense of her record on Wall Street regulation.

Cuomo pressed again: “All the more reason to remove this issue. You know not everybody is not going to bring up their transcripts.”

“Why is there one standard for me and not for everybody else, Chris?” Clinton responded, to sustained applause.

A few minutes after the exchange, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ campaign took a shot at Clinton based on her answer:

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At CNN Town Hall, Clinton Again Refuses to Release Goldman Sachs Transcripts

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Donald Trump Is Just a Garden Variety Right-Winger These Days

Mother Jones

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In a blog post about an entirely different subject, Jay Nordlinger says this about Donald Trump:

I am reminded of how the Left and Right can blend — although it’s pretty much impossible to locate Trump politically. Is he Left or Right or in between?

This has long been a common observation, but is it really true anymore? A few months ago, for example, I wrote that Trump didn’t favor a flat tax. But that’s true of most Republicans. And now that Trump has actually released a tax plan, we know his tax notions are entirely orthodox these days. Ditto for Planned Parenthood, which Trump is now on board with defunding completely. Ditto again for his short-lived support for an assault weapons ban.

So what’s left of Trump’s alleged populism? I count one thing:

He doesn’t want to cut Social Security and Medicare.

Is there anything else left? He’s not stridently anti-gay, but he’s opposed to gay marriage nonetheless. Sort of Jeb Bush-ish. He refuses to say that he still supports affirmative action. His foreign policy is…um…a little hard to get a handle on, but it sure can’t be described as liberal these days. He claims to have opposed the Iraq War, but that’s just a lie—and ten years in the past anyway. He sometimes sounds a populist note on trade, but his real position is that he’s smarter than all the dimwits in Washington and could negotiate better terms than they do. He doesn’t seem to harbor any real leftish views on trade.

So really, his support for Social Security and Medicare is pretty much it for non-conservative heresies—and even there his position remains unclear. Does he mean that he doesn’t want to cut Social Security and Medicare at all, or does he mean he doesn’t want to cut them for people currently in the system? After all, the standard Republican position already protects Social Security and Medicare for anyone over age 55. But since Trump has declined to provide any further detail, we don’t really know what his position is.

Trump used to have a few more quasi-liberal positions, but the campaign has sanded them all down. Today, he’s just a really loud right-winger who understands that bashing Social Security and Medicare doesn’t win any votes. That’s it.

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Donald Trump Is Just a Garden Variety Right-Winger These Days

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Ted Cruz Really Hates Climate Change

Mother Jones

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Yesterday I dinged Ted Cruz for blathering about how he’d eliminate five cabinet departments. Big deal. The programs would just go elsewhere. Instead, tell me what programs you’d eliminate.

As it turns out, Cruz does have a list of programs he wants to get rid of. It’s really hard to find because his website is a horrific mess, but here it is:

  1. Climate Ready Water Utilities Initiative
  2. Climate Research Funding for the Office of Research and Development
  3. Climate Resilience Evaluation Awareness Tool
  4. Global Methane Initiative
  5. Green Infrastructure Program
  6. Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program
  7. New Starts Transit Program
  8. Pacific Coastal Salmon Recovery Fund
  9. Regulation of CO2 Emissions from Power Plants and all Sources
  10. Regulation of Greenhouse Gas Emissions from Vehicles
  11. Renewable Fuel Standard Federal Mandates
  12. UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
  13. UN Population Fund (abortion)
  14. USDA Catfish Inspection Program (genuinely wasteful)
  15. Appalachian Regional Commission (helps poor people)
  16. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (Obama program)
  17. Corporation for Public Broadcasting (culture war)
  18. Corporation for Travel Promotion (???)
  19. Legal Services Corporation (helps poor people)
  20. National Endowment for the Arts (culture war)
  21. National Endowment for the Humanities (culture war)
  22. Presidential Election Campaign Fund (no one uses it anymore)
  23. Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation (???)
  24. Sugar Subsidies (anti-Rubio)
  25. Transportation Investment Generating Economic Recovery (part of hated Obama stimulus program)

I’ve re-ordered this list to make clear just how much Cruz hates climate change. Nearly half of his cuts are to programs related to the environment or climate change. Cruz also wants to ditch some culture warrior stuff (arts, humanities, public broadcasting), some anti-liberal stuff (legal services, CFPB, TIGER), some anti-Rubio stuff (sugar subsidies), and some genuinely stupid stuff (USDA catfish inspection, a clever protectionist measure beloved of catfish-producing states).

So how much would this save? Cruz says $50 billion per year, but that seems pretty optimistic. The catfish thing, for example, costs $14 million, and lots of items on the list don’t cost the government anything. I suppose I could google all 25 of them and see what they add up to, but not today. My horseback guess, though, is maybe $10-20 billion.

I’ve tried to identify the reasons Cruz hates each of these programs, but I came up blank on two of them: travel promotion and the Saint Lawrence Seaway. Maybe they’re genuinely wasteful. I’m not sure.

In any case, this is it. Cruz deserves credit for at least making a list, which is more than most candidates are willing to do. But will this actually save more than a tiny fraction of his stupendous tax cuts? Not a chance.

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Ted Cruz Really Hates Climate Change

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A Big Week for the RFS

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A Big Week for the RFS

Posted 16 September 2015 in

National

Earlier this week, EPA Administrator Gina McCarthy and USDA Secretary Tom Vilsack both expressed support for the Renewable Fuel Standard at the annual Growth Energy fly-in. Biofuels industry leaders followed up with a letter to President Obama, urging him to support a strong RFS.

McCarthy told attendees that “The biofuel industry is the great American success story,” and that “the EPA is are working hard to make sure we are moving towards the [RFS] levels intended by Congress.” Secretary Vilsack also offered praise for the RFS and encouraged the industry to promote more positive news about ethanol.

Find more coverage of the conference here and here.

In their letter, industry leaders reminded the President that the EPA’s draft proposal endangers the progress our country has made toward bringing cellulosic ethanol, the cleanest motor fuel the world has ever known, to market.

“Mr. President, the ramifications of your decision on this issue are substantial for America’s largest renewable energy sector. If the final rule includes distribution waivers, the global market signal will be that your Administration is backing away from its support of the most transformative U.S. energy and climate policy on the books today; and one that is widely regarded to be the best cellulosic and advanced biofuels policy in the world. While our companies will not fail to deploy advanced biofuels, we will continue to be forced to look overseas where renewable fuel policies are more stable.”

Read the full letter here.

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A Big Week for the RFS

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The Future of Renewable Fuel

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The Future of Renewable Fuel

Posted 16 September 2015 in

National

Biofuels industry leaders wrote a letter to President Obama urging him to support a strong Renewable Fuels Standard.

Dear Mr. President,

As leaders in the advanced and cellulosic biofuels industry, producers of the lowest carbon fuel in the world, we are writing to express our serious concerns about modifications your Administration is proposing to make to the Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS).

As a general matter, we commend your commitment to addressing climate change, and look forward to continuing to work with you to create innovative solutions to reduce GHG emissions. We stand behind your recent declaration that Americans are innovators by nature, and your statement that “there should be no question that the United States of America is stepping up to the plate,” as we head into pivotal climate talks in Paris later this year.

However, our industry is also dealing with the reality that on May 29th your Administration re- proposed to insert a loophole into the RFS – a Clean Air Act (CAA) program that is the most aggressive U.S. climate policy enforced today – that would allow oil companies to avoid their obligations under the law.

As you know, the point of the RFS was to require oil companies to buy and sell an increasing amount of renewable fuel to address the fact that the oil industry would otherwise use its market position to cut off market access for competitors and thereby smother investment in cellulosic ethanol and advanced biofuels that have the lowest carbon footprint in the world. And yet, for the first time in RFS history, EPA is proposing to change the rules in the middle of the game to allow challenges related to the “distribution” of renewable fuel by oil companies – i.e. the oil industry’s refusal to buy and distribute low carbon, renewable fuel and its willingness to block brand-licensed gasoline retailers from selling higher renewable content blends under their branded canopy – to be cause for waiving the RFS on a year-to-year basis. Such a provision would gut the core concept behind the law.

From an investment perspective, billions of dollars of private capital flowed into U.S. biofuel projects – in the face of an historic global recession – largely because the RFS was seen as breaking the chokehold the oil industry has on fuel distribution and market access. RFS implementation was predicated on a market-based system of credits, much like the cap-and-trade plan you supported, and the most likely compliance mechanism for your Clean Power Plan. If portions of the oil industry choose not to purchase and use renewable fuel, they are required to purchase “Renewable Identification Numbers” (RINs) from market participants that did purchase and use renewable fuel in order to encourage good behavior and ensure fairness. As such, as RIN prices increase, so too does the economic incentive to blend more biofuels into the system. In essence, the policy rewards actors who do their part to meet the policy’s objective, and ensures that no one gets a free pass. This is how so many oil companies reported profits from selling RINs in recent years.

As acknowledged by EPA and former economic advisors to your Administration, this regulatory dynamic drives consumer choice at the pump with more American-made, renewable fuel without increasing average fuel prices. But EPA’s decision to change its waiver methodology, under pressure from the oil industry, upends the system and sends the market signal that the RFS volumes can be lowered if the oil industry simply drags its heels. The point of the RFS was to reward those who made the investments necessary to use more renewable fuel. Parts of the oil industry refused to do so starting in 2013, and now they’re being rewarded. No market-based system can survive if regulators are willing to overhaul the system to reward intransigence among obligated parties.

It is important to note that our industry has fought and won this battle once before. In 2005, Senator Inhofe and other oil industry champions tried to get “distribution waivers” included in the RFS from inception. Congress considered this path, but the language was struck from the bill in conference because Congressional champions for our industry knew that providing such waivers would result in the oil companies continuing to use their market position to stop the growth of biofuels.

Mr. President, the ramifications of your decision on this issue are substantial for America’s largest renewable energy sector. If the final rule includes distribution waivers, the global market signal will be that your Administration is backing away from its support of the most transformative U.S. energy and climate policy on the books today; and one that is widely regarded to be the best cellulosic and advanced biofuels policy in the world. While our companies will not fail to deploy advanced biofuels, we will continue to be forced to look overseas where renewable fuel policies are more stable.

The good news is, and notwithstanding claims to the contrary, the inclusion of distribution waivers is not necessary to put the RFS on a reasonable and stable path going forward. We would like to work with your Administration to forge a better path forward that is reasonable from an RFS implementation and motor fuel market perspective, protects U.S. investment in low carbon fuels, and ensures that the United States is true to its word going forward in Paris and beyond.

We hope to have your support on this important matter, and firmly believe that with your leadership we can get this critical innovation/climate program back on track.

View the signatures of all the leaders here.

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The Future of Renewable Fuel

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Letter to President Obama

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Letter to President Obama

Posted 21 August 2015 in

National

This open letter to President Obama will be running as a full page advertisement in the August 24th edition of the Las Vegas Review-Journal during Senator Reid’s National Clean Energy Summit.

Mr. President, the Renewable Fuel Standard is the only law on the books combating climate change.

Passed by Senator Reid and a bipartisan coalition 10 years ago this month, the RFS helped create over 850,000 jobs, reduce America’s oil imports by nearly two-thirds, and save consumers billions at the pump. All by tripling America’s production of clean, low carbon renewable fuel.

The RFS was a promise to investors that America would break the chokehold the oil industry has on fuel distribution and market access to create American jobs and consumer choice at the pump. Relying on this promise, innovators in the first and second generation biofuel industries invested billions.

Advanced biofuel facilities are coming online with fuels that cut carbon emissions by 88-108% compared to petroleum, according to the Department of Energy. But America’s biofuel innovators have a problem.

Under pressure from the oil industry, your Administration is proposing to change the law midstream to allow oil companies to avoid their obligations by simply refusing to distribute renewable fuel to consumers. The proposal would gut the core concept behind the law and break the promise of the RFS.

Advanced biofuel innovators are not going to fail. But America will fail to lead if you let oil companies off the hook and investors are forced to look overseas to more stable biofuel policies.

Mr. President, you campaigned on the promise of the RFS — and we agree with your statement that “there should be no question that the United States of America is stepping up to the plate,” as we head into climate talks in Paris. We can’t afford to dismantle a landmark Clean Air Act program, increase carbon emissions and send American innovation overseas.

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Letter to President Obama

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