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For Climate Scientists, Shutdown Casts Long Shadow

Mother Jones

The government shutdown might be over, but for some climate scientists the headache is just beginning. During the shutdown, National Science Foundation-funded research facilities in Antarctica—where some of the world’s most important climate research takes place—were left with a skeleton staff at just the time of year they would normally be coming back to life after a long, dark winter.

On its first day back online, NSF released a statement saying it would salvage the research season “to the maximum extent possible,” without giving a definite timeline. NSF warned that “certain research and operations activities may be deferred until next year’s austral research season.” For scientists studying everything from ocean acidification to earthquakes to seal pups, the 16 days of the shutdown were 16 missed opportunities to collect irreplaceable data.

One of those scientists was Gretchen Hofmann, a marine biologist at the University of California, Santa Barbara, who published a column today in Nature about her frustration with the shutdown and its long-term impacts on basic research. As Hofmann and her peers stand by for word from NSF, we spoke to her about how some of the worst pain from the last two weeks could be felt by the next generation of up-and-coming scientists.

Climate Desk: What have the last couple weeks been like for you?

Gretchen Hofmann: We have a research project that’s funded to study ocean conditions and ocean acidification in the Southern Ocean, the area around McMurdo Sound. That project was supposed to start October 10, and we were going to deploy one of our field team members down there to go retrieve sensors from under the sea ice. The government shut down and we just sat there and thought, ‘Well, I guess she’s not going,’ and sure enough 24 hours before Lydia Kapsenberg, my grad student, was supposed to deploy, her travel was canceled. A week earlier, my post-doc Amanda Kelley, an NSF funded research fellow, was supposed to go down; she flew down there, landed on the sea ice, and literally was told that the station had gone into caretaker mode. So right away, right in my face, front row center, I had two junior scientists that were really heavily impacted by this. Not only because they stand to lose to data and progress in their careers; it was also really upsetting. I mean, they felt really threatened and jeopardized.

CD: You make the point that while there are impacts for everyone working down there, it’s especially a problem for young scientists, post-docs and grad students. Explain why. What’s different about being in that position that makes a missed opportunity like this even more problematic?

GH: The reason that it’s a sensitive life history stage is because, if we talk about Dr. Kelley, she’s a post-doc, and that’s kind of like being an apprentice electrician: You already have your license, in this case a PhD, and she now comes to work with me to really learn about how to be a scientist. During that time, these jobs are really competitive, and you need to be productive. By that I mean you need to do experiments, you need to publish papers, you need to go to science meetings and get out there. And with no data, with a canceled field season, she will not have that. And so that puts her back incredibly.

And grad students, well, forget about it. Many of them have planned to be at McMurdo to do a specific thing that will give them their PhD or their masters degree. And that’s been completely canceled. It’s even worse sometimes for grad students because if they know they’re going to do something down there, they might spend the whole year training to do that; frankly, they’re not doing anything else. They spent a whole bunch of time getting ready to be there, and when that gets canceled, then they’ve got nothin‘. And so a year of their life could be delayed, they might have to stay in school for another year, their advisor might not have funding for them, so it throws them into a really difficult situation that can also involve financial problems. I worry about this every day. People send you their children, and our country depends on this new talent. And so it’s kind of like we’re eating our young in the Antarctic science community if we can’t rescue the field season.

Amanda Kelley is an unfortunate example of this. She has a two-year fellowship from NSF that just started this summer. She was supposed to work at McMurdo for the field season this October/November, and October/November, 2014, and that’s all the money she has for those two years. And so now, if she loses this field season, she’ll run out of money before she can get a full set of research done. And everyone at NSF will do their utmost to rectify the situation, but whereas I stand to lose some data and an instrument and that’s a drag and sets my research back, you know, I’m protected, I’m tenured. And these guys are not.

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For Climate Scientists, Shutdown Casts Long Shadow

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The Post-Shutdown GOP Civil War in 23 Quotes

Mother Jones

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The just-concluded government shutdown and debt ceiling crisis revealed a deep and profound split within Republican ranks, as tea party crusaders pushed for brinkmanship to thwart Obamacare and establishment-minded GOPers freaked out over the historic hit their party was receiving in public opinion polls. Even after the conflict was settled (at least for a few months)—with the congressional Republicans essentially waving a white flag—the civil war within GOP and conservative circles continued unabated. Once the deal went down, mainstream GOPers immediately blamed the “suicide caucus” for harming the party and pledged to block future shenanigans of this sort, and tea partiers in and out of Congress dismissed the “surrender caucus” and vowed to continue the fight as the next D-Days approach (January 15 for funding the government, and February 7 for the debt ceiling).

This ugly episode hasn’t resolved the tensions within the GOP and the conservative movement—it has exacerbated them. Here is a list of post-deal quotes from key players in this civil war that show the internecine battle is not likely to end soon.

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The Post-Shutdown GOP Civil War in 23 Quotes

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GOP Picks Anti-Food Stamp Crusader to Determine Future of Food Stamps

Mother Jones

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Shutting down the government and threatening a default in an attempt to block poor people from getting health insurance isn’t the only thing House Republicans did over the past two weeks. They also continued their push to defund food stamps.

It went unnoticed amidst the debt ceiling fight, but last weekend, Democratic and Republican leaders in the House selected the lawmakers that will negotiate with the Senate to hammer out a final version of the farm bill, the massive bill that funds agriculture and nutrition programs. The main stumbling block for months has been how much money the bill should devote to food stamps; the House wants to strip $39 billion from the program, and the Senate wants to cut just $4 billion. The fact that Republicans in the House named one of the most anti-food stamp members of Congress to the committee that will decide the future of food stamps does not bode well for the program.

Rep. Steve Southerland (R-Florida) has been leading the GOP effort to slash the food stamp program, called the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP. “For the past six months, Southerland… has delivered 45 speeches about food stamps… and presented his idea to 13 governors,” Eli Saslow wrote in a profile of the congressman in the Washington Post last month. Southerland, who fought for the $39 billion worth of cuts and another provision that imposes new work requirements on food assistance recipients, told state human service secretaries last year that food-stamp reform is “what I’m about.”

Usually, only agriculture committee members negotiate the final farm bill; Southerland is on the leadership committee, not the agriculture committee. His appointment to the committee that’s ironing out the final deal is a sign the House intends to fight tooth and nail to keep the deep food stamp cuts.

Passage of a final bill is already a year overdue. In June, the House failed to pass its measure because both Republicans and Democrats opposed it: Democrats thought the food stamp cuts were “heartless,” while conservative Republicans thought they didn’t go far enough. In September, the House split food stamps from the rest of the agriculture bill and passed the harsh cuts separately, with zero Democratic votes. The House plan would cut 3.8 million people off the program next year.

Democrats countered the Southerland appointment by placing Congressional Black Caucus chair and food stamp advocate Rep. Marsha Fudge (D-Ohio) on the committee. President Barack Obama has threatened to veto any farm bill that includes GOP-level food stamp cuts.

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GOP Picks Anti-Food Stamp Crusader to Determine Future of Food Stamps

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Debt Ceiling Crisis Averted, House Tea Partiers Express No Regrets

Mother Jones

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Rep. Thomas Massie, the Hayek-quoting, trouble-making first-term Republican congressman from northern Kentucky, stood in a circle of reporters in the Capitol basement and shrugged. “Goose egg—we got nothing.” That was his summation of what House Republicans had accomplished, after shutting down the federal government for 15 days, costing $24 billion in economic losses, and bringing the nation to the brink of an unprecedented default.

After the Senate voted 81 to 18 to approve a bill to raise the debt ceiling and fund the federal government, the House followed suit late Wednesday night, with 87 Republicans joining the entire Democratic caucus in support of the measure, one that included none of the original tea party demands to delay or defund Obamacare. In a statement, President Obama expressed his wish that Washington “put the last three weeks behind us.”

More MoJo coverage of the debt ceiling crisis.


Debt Ceiling Crisis Averted, House Tea Partiers Express No Regrets


The Debt Ceiling Explained in 10 Short Sentences


7 Deadly Spins: A Guide to GOP Debt Ceiling Denial


How John Boehner Could Lose His Speakership


Unpacking the Dumbest Thing Said by a GOP Congressman About the Debt Ceiling


4 Things the Fed Could Do About a Default


Economist Mark Zandi: “We Will Be Dooming Our Economy and the Entire Global Economy”

Still, Massie had no regrets. “I don’t see any credence to the argument that we would have been better off without the fight,” he said, “because nobody can tell me what we’d have now that we don’t have.”

Among House Republicans on Wednesday night, Massie’s attitude was hardly an outlier.

Asked if the shutdown and debt fight had been worth, Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-Minn.) didn’t blink: “Absolutely, I think it’s worth it! It’s been worth it because what we did is we fought the right fight.” Rep. Louie Gohmert (R-Texas) argued that the House’s intransigence was ultimately critical to America’s survival. “For this government to continue as a republican form of democracy, we’ve got to have both houses contribute, not one,” he said before hopping on an elevator.

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Debt Ceiling Crisis Averted, House Tea Partiers Express No Regrets

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House Republicans Hold Hearing on Why Their Shutdown Shut Things Down

Mother Jones

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On Wednesday morning, House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) ended his two-week standoff with the White House and Senate Democrats, agreeing to bring to a vote a Senate-brokered bill to raise the debt ceiling through February 7 and fund the federal government through January 15. But a light at the end of the tunnel of this latest Capitol Hill crisis didn’t mean an end to the GOP political theatrics. Even as House Republicans were capitulating on the demands that had precipitated this standoff, they were convening a hearing to get to the bottom of why the National Park Service had shuttered the memorials on the National Mall, hauling NPS director Jonathan Jarvis before the committees on oversight and natural resources in an effort to portray the closures as a politically motivated effort to turn up the heat on the GOP.

More MoJo coverage of the debt ceiling crisis.


Debt Ceiling Crisis Averted, House Tea Partiers Express No Regrets


The Debt Ceiling Explained in 10 Short Sentences


7 Deadly Spins: A Guide to GOP Debt Ceiling Denial


How John Boehner Could Lose His Speakership


Unpacking the Dumbest Thing Said by a GOP Congressman About the Debt Ceiling


4 Things the Fed Could Do About a Default


Economist Mark Zandi: “We Will Be Dooming Our Economy and the Entire Global Economy”

“I regret that Jarvis would not come voluntarily and had to be subpoenaed and served by a US Marshal,” said Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), sounding almost as if he meant it.

For 15 days, Republicans have tried to turn Jarvis into the villain of the shutdown by highlighting the closure of popular sites like the WWII memorial. He was the lead player in this right-wing conspiracy theory, in which Obama had supposedly forced parks and memorials to close to make the GOP-cased shutdown appear worse than it really was. On Saturday, hundreds of veterans demonstrated against the closure of this site on the National Mall, joined by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin. At the time, conservatives hailed the protest as a game-changer in the public relations war. And apparently they still do.

At the hearing, Rep. Doc Hastings, chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee, alleged that the monument closures were indeed “an attempt to make the shutdown as painful and as visible as possible” and their reopening was “an attempt to squash the ensuing bad PR.”

Republican congressmen had a handy point of comparison for the closures on the National Mall: Occupy DC set up camp on the NPS-maintained McPherson Square for 100 days in 2011 without harassment from park police. “Do you consider it an exercise of your First Amendment right to walk to a monument that you helped build,” Rep. Trey Gowdy (R-S.C.) asked Jarvis, “or is it only just smoking pot at McPherson Square?”

Rep. John Mica (R-Fla.) seized on a quote, provided anonymously from a NPS ranger to a Washington Times columnist, that “we’ve been told to make life as difficult for the people as we can.” Over the last two weeks, conservatives have cited this as evidence the White House may have orchestrated the monument closures. Jarvis insisted that it was strictly an NPS decision. He denied any such order to make life difficult and said the quote—which after all appeared in a newspaper that regularly publishes Ted Nugent—was “hearsay.” “It may be hearsay,” Mica said, but he was sticking to it.

Midway through his opening remarks, Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.), the ranking Democrat on the House Natural Resources Committee, held up a small blue-edged hand mirror. “If those Republican colleagues will look at me, I will show you who’s responsible.” Rep. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.)—who recently called on the “four branches of government” to work together—stood up from his chair on the far side of his room and stared blankly in DeFazio’s direction, then sat down. Most of his colleagues kept their focus straight ahead.

House Republicans may have lost the shutdown war, but at least they still think they’re winning.

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House Republicans Hold Hearing on Why Their Shutdown Shut Things Down

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Here’s the House GOP’s Final Debt Ceiling Offer (Update: Or Not)

Mother Jones

Update: Heritage Action, the political action arm of the right’s top think tank and a leader in the anti-Obamacare crusade, is urging members to vote against House Speaker John Boehner’s latest proposal to end the shutdown and debt ceiling crisis. After the tea partyish organization declared its opposition, the House Rules Committee postponed a Tuesday night hearing on the bill, an indication Boehner’s plan might be dead even before arrival within his own caucus. So…buy gold.

Update II: It’s official: No vote on Tuesday.

On Tuesday afternoon Speaker of the House John Boehner (R-Ohio) unveiled his final offer to end the shutdown and stave off a catastrophic federal default. The GOP’s proposal would fund the federal government through December 15 (setting up a possible Christmas shutdown; hooray!), raise the debt ceiling through February 7, and incorporate what’s known as the “Vitter amendment”—language prohibiting congressional staffers from receiving subsidies for the purchase of health insurance. It would also prohibit the Secretary of the Treasury from taking “extraordinary measures” to prevent the default—which some Republicans have previously suggested might help stave off the crisis—due to fears among GOP congressmen that Secretary Jack Lew was using his powers to fudge the deadline.

Not included in the bill are several provisions that had been discussed previously, such as a “conscience clause” to exempt employers from having to include birth control as part of their insurance plans, and a delay of repeal of the Affordable Care Act’s tax on medical device manufacturers—a proposal supported by donors but rejected by some conservative members. Boehner is set to bring the bill to a vote Tuesday night, leaving it up to the Senate, where Democrats have previously opposed all efforts to include the Vitter amendment in impasse-ending legislation. Some House Republicans had considered ditching town after the vote, in the hopes of forcing the point.

We’ll keep you updated. In the meantime, you can read the bill:

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Here’s the House GOP’s Final Debt Ceiling Offer (Update: Or Not)

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Supreme Court to Take Up Greenhouse Gas Limits

Mother Jones

The Supreme Court announced today that it will take up the question of whether the Environmental Protection Agency can include greenhouse gas emission limits in permits it issues for new or expanding large polluters like refineries and power plants.

But perhaps even more significant was what the court chose not to consider: a challenge to the EPA’s broader authority to regulate greenhouse gases as dangerous pollutants under the Clean Air Act, and a challenge to its authority to issue emission limits for cars, both of which have been upheld by lower courts and remained untouched today.

For now, the justices chose to leave intact the legal basis for greenhouse gas emissions limits on new and existing power plants the EPA is expected to roll out over the next several years. Those limits could shutter many of the nation’s coal plants and discourage others from opening. Today’s announcement also preserves the Obama administration’s plan to slash climate change-causing pollutants from cars.

The justices’ decision “means that EPA’s legal and scientific findings that greenhouse gases harm health and the climate remains the law of the land,” said Natural Resources Defense Council senior attorney John Walke.

The question the court will consider is whether the EPA can use greenhouse gas emissions as a criteria, like it does with smog and soot limits, to determine whether large industrial polluters receive permits to build new facilities or expand existing ones. But even if the justices disallow such a permitting criteria, the EPA would still retain the authority to set greenhouse gas emissions limits for these polluters—just not written into the permits, per se.

The petition behind the permitting issue was brought by a coalition of industry groups, including the National Association of Manufacturers, which in a statement today said “stringent permitting requirements” would “impact every aspect of our economy.”

But Walke stressed that the permitting program “is not necessary to establish or enforce” greenhouse gas emission standards for power plants, like those proposed in September that are a signature product of new EPA administrator Gina McCarthy.

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Supreme Court to Take Up Greenhouse Gas Limits

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Anonymous Takes On the Maryville Rape Scandal. Is This a Good Thing?

Mother Jones

Anonymous yesterday launched a campaign of vigilante justice over yet another high school jock sexual assault scandal.

It’s becoming an all-too-familiar narrative. The otherwise-sleepy middle American town in the spotlight this time around is Maryville, Missouri, where former high school football player Matthew Barnett, the grandson of former Missouri state Rep. Rex Barnett, was accused of sexually assaulting a highly intoxicated 14-year-old girl named Daisy Coleman, while a 15-year-old boy was accused of doing the same to the girl’s 13-year-old friend. A third boy, Jordan Zech, admitted to recording one of the incidents on a cellphone. Daisy’s mother later found her sprawled on the front porch of her house in a semiconscious state, her hair frozen and her shoes and possessions scattered in a neighbor’s yard.

That cold January night in 2012 was only the beginning of the nightmare for the Coleman family, who told their story in an in-depth feature in the Kansas City Star on Sunday. Daisy’s mother, Melinda Coleman, who allowed the press to use her daughter’s name, told reporter Dugan Arnett that in the weeks and months following the incident, Daisy and her family members were spurned and bullied and eventually run out of town. Later, the Coleman’s house in Maryville, which was on the market, mysteriously burned to the ground. Fire officials haven’t determined the cause of the blaze. The Star reported that despite many of the facts in the case being largely undisputed—the boys said they had sex with the girls and admitted to leaving Daisy “outside in 30-degree weather”—Robert Rice, the Nodaway County prosecutor, dropped the felony sexual assault and misdemeanor child endangerment charges against Barnett and a felony sexual exploitation charge against Zech.

Rice told the Star the charges were dropped for lack of evidence and other information that came to light. “There wasn’t any prosecuting attorney that could take that case to trial,” he said. But the 15-year-old boy admitted to having nonconsensual sex with Daisy’s friend, was charged as a minor, and made a plea deal to serve several months in a juvenile facility, according to local public radio station KCUR.

Now Anonymous, the amorphous collective of online activists, pranksters, and hackers, is on the case. The group is credited with bringing national attention to cases like this through internet and social-media campaigns. It’s also responsible for sometimes employing questionable, borderline illegal tactics to expose the people they think are to blame. Such was the case in Steubenville, Ohio, where two high school football players were accused of raping a girl. An offshoot of Anonymous gained access to private social-media accounts and leaked videos and photos that revealed the identities of many high school students who were caught talking about the rape on camera but were never charged with crimes. Though the group’s intentions may have been in the right place, Anonymous’ tactics also swept up the victim in its crusade for justice, exposing her identity to the world. Yesterday, the group released a statement announcing their campaign #OpMaryville and #Justice4Daisy:

We demand an immediate investigation into the handling by local authorities of Daisy’s case. Why was a suspect, who confessed to a crime, released with no charges? How was video and medical evidence not enough to put one of these football players inside a court room? What is the connection of these prosecutors, if any, to Rep. Rex Barnett? Most of all, We are wondering, how do the residents of Maryville sleep at night?

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Anonymous Takes On the Maryville Rape Scandal. Is This a Good Thing?

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Why Harry Reid Fears a Long-Term Shutdown Deal

Mother Jones

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As the week of a possible government default began, talks aimed at ending the shutdown and the debt ceiling crisis revolved around a new wrinkle: the resistance of Senate majority leader Harry Reid and his fellow Senate Democrats to an agreement funding the government for a longer, rather than shorter, period of time. Say what?

Why is kicking the can down the road a couple of months a better option than staving off another government-spending showdown for a half a year, as Republicans prefer? It’s because the Republican plan would lock in for even longer the $1.2 trillion in budget cuts known as sequestration, which went into effect in March and which Democrats really hate.

Democrats want to replace the economy-crimping sequester with a less austere plan that includes more targeted cuts and higher total spending levels. Reid is OK with extending current sequester-level spending—but only until mid-January, so a broader budget deal that includes Democratic priorities can be worked out before deeper spending cuts go into effect. If the House somehow forces a longer term deal, it would be much harder for Reid and Democrats to negotiate a substitute for the sequester, say, six months from now because the fiscal year (which began October 1) would be half over. That would mean that the current deep budget cuts, which have already resulted in the loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs, would likely drag on and on.

Reid does not want a deal that un-shuts the government to prevent him from waging a fight over sequestration. In September, he says, he agreed to a temporary continuing resolution that would keep the US government open for two months at the spending levels dictated by sequestration, and considered that a concession to House Speaker John Boehner and the Republicans. He did so with the expectation that he could still try to undo some of the consequences of sequestration in the 2014 budget. And with the House Republicans now on the ropes in the dual shutdown/debt ceiling crisis, he has seen his leverage increase and has pushed for the chance to wage another battle over sequestration.

As my colleague Tim Murphy and I reported earlier this year, below are some of the sequester’s initial impacts on programs that help struggling Americans. The harmful cutbacks explain why Reid and Democrats desperately want a way out of Sequester Land. (Exact numbers will be different for 2014, because sequestration was not in effect for the entirety of 2013, and Congress could restructure the cuts).

Public housing subsidies: $1.9 billion in cuts hit 125,000 low-income people who lost access to vouchers to help them with their rent. The housing authority in Rochester, New York cut 600 vouchers after losing $2.5 million in funding. In Dubuque, Iowa, new Section 8 housing vouchers were put on hold. And in New Orleans, the housing authority recalled 700 Section 8 vouchers for low-income families.

Foreclosure prevention: 75,000 fewer people received foreclosure prevention, rental, and homeless counseling services.

Educational programs: Learning programs for poor kids saw a total of $2.7 billion in cuts. The $400 million slashed from Head Start, the preschool program for low-income children, meant reduced services for some 70,000 kids. Here’s how that panned out at the local level. The Head Start program in Jefferson County, Alabama closed for 10 weeks, affecting 276 kids. Fifteen staffers were furloughed. In Fayetteville, Arkansas, the Head Start program ended 13 days early. In Eureka, Kansas, the program closed for good.

Title I Funding: The Department of Education’s Title I program, the biggest federal education program in the country, subsidizes schools that serve more than a million disadvantaged students. It was cut by $725 million.

Rural rental assistance: Cuts to the Department of Agriculture resulted in the elimination of rental assistance for 10,000 very low-income rural people, most of whom are single women, elderly, or disabled.

Social Security: Although Social Security payments themselves were not scaled back, cuts to the program resulted in a backlogging of disability claims.

Unemployment benefits: More than 3.8 million people receiving long-term unemployment benefits saw their monthly payments reduced by as much as 9.4 percent, and lost an average of $400 in benefits over their period of joblessness.

Veterans services: The Transition Assistance Program was forced to cut back some of the job search and career services it provides to 150,000 vets a year.

Nutritional Assistance for Women & Children: The government’s main food stamp program is exempt from cuts, but other food programs took a whack. Some 600,000 women and children were cut from the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, which provides nutrition assistance and education.

Special education: $978 million in cuts affected 30.7 million children. For example, because of the scaling back of federal grants to states for students with disabilities, cash-strapped states and districts had to come up with the salaries for thousands of teachers, aides, and staff that serve special-needs kids. In Fort Myers, Florida, the Lee County school district had to lay off 100 employees, including 15 teachers, due to the lack of special education funding.

Job training programs: $37 million was slashed from a job retraining and placement program called Employment Services Operations, and $83 million was cut from Job Corps, which provides low-income kids with jobs and education.

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Why Harry Reid Fears a Long-Term Shutdown Deal

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In Shutdown and Debt Ceiling Showdown, GOPers Ignore Their Party’s Own Advice

Mother Jones

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In March, the Republican Party released a 97-page report on its future prospects that chairman Reince Priebus had commissioned following the 2012 election. The party called the study its Growth and Opportunity Project report, but most members of the politerati referred to it as an autopsy. The hard-hitting study—authored by Henry Barbour, the nephew of former Mississippi Governor Haley Barbour, former Bush II press secretary Ari Fleischer, and a few other prominent GOPers—fingered what had gone wrong for the Rs and provided a roadmap for the coming years. But the party’s recent excursion into the government shutdown/debt ceiling quagmire shows that few members of its national wing absorbed the lessons the party’s coroners had assembled.

After convening in-depth focus groups of voters in Iowa and Ohio who used to call themselves Republicans, polling Republican Hispanic voters, consulting assorted pollsters, and surveying political practitioners at the local and national level, the group made some obvious conclusions. Noting the nation’s changing demographics, it maintained that the GOP had to reassess its relationship with Latinos: “If Hispanic Americans perceive that a GOP nominee or candidate does not want them in the United States (i.e. self-deportation), they will not pay attention to our next sentence.” Ditto concerning young voters: “A post-election survey of voters ages 18-29 in the battleground states of Virginia, Ohio, Florida, and Colorado found that Republicans have an almost 1:2 favorable/unfavorable rating. Democrats have an almost 2:1 favorable rating.” And the members of the GOP’s morgue brigade asserted that GOP governors had been doing a better job in promoting a positive image of the party than congressional Republicans. The party’s “messaging,” they observed, was hurting it.

Clearly, this point has been ignored by the Republicans who have pushed the party toward a government shutdown and a possible default. (Ted Cruz, this means you.) As Republican leaders on Capitol Hill—read: Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell—scurry to prevent a tea party-caused default if the debt ceiling is not lifted later this week, here’s a look at five key passages of the report that have gone unheeded by the Republican radicals in the House and Senate who have positioned the GOP as the party of hostage-taking.

THEN: “The GOP today is a tale of two parties. One of them, the gubernatorial wing, is growing and successful. The other, the federal wing, is increasingly marginalizing itself, and unless changes are made, it will be increasingly difficult for Republicans to win another presidential election in the near future….Public perception of the Party is at record lows.”

NOW: Since the report came out, these record lows have become lower. Last week, Gallup reported that the Republican Party was viewed favorably by only 28 percent of Americans, down 10 points from the previous month. The polling company noted, “This is the lowest favorable rating measured for either party since Gallup began asking the question in 1992.”

THEN: “At the federal level, much of what Republicans are doing is not working beyond the core constituencies that make up the Party.”

NOW: While tea partiers have cheered on Cruz and House Republicans who have demanded ransom for funding the government or preventing default—be it thwarting Obamacare or insisting on more spending cuts—this strategy has not played well with the general public. A recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll found that only 24 percent approve of the performance of Republicans in Congress and 70 percent disapprove. (Democrats had a 36/59-percent split.)

THEN: “The Republican Party needs to stop talking to itself. We have become expert in how to provide ideological reinforcement to like-minded people, but devastatingly we have lost the ability to be persuasive with, or welcoming to, those who do not agree with us on every issue.

Instead of driving around in circles on an ideological cul-de-sac, we need a Party whose brand of conservatism invites and inspires new people to visit us. We need to remain America’s conservative alternative to big-government, redistribution-to-extremes liberalism, while building a route into our Party that a non-traditional Republican will want to travel. Our standard should not be universal purity; it should be a more welcoming conservatism.”

NOW: The shutdown was pursued by the Republicans who consider themselves conservative purists—and who have been supported and encouraged by outside groups seeking more conservative purity within the GOP. This political crisis occurred because a faction of the GOP in Congress was reinforced by far-right activists and advocates.

THEN: “Our job as Republicans is to champion private growth so people will not turn to the government in the first place. But we must make sure that the government works for those truly in need, helping them so they can quickly get back on their feet. We should be driven by reform, eliminating, and fixing what is broken, while making sure the government’s safety net is a trampoline, not a trap.

As Ada Fisher, the Republican National Committeewoman from North Carolina, told us, ‘There are some people who need the government.'”

NOW: In recent weeks, several congressional Republicans pressing for a shutdown and for leveraging the debt ceiling have celebrated the shutdown and given the impression they see government as the enemy. That NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll reported that 52 percent of Americans believe government “should do more to solve problems and help meet the needs of people.” Forty-four percent said government “is doing too many things better left to businesses and individuals.”

THEN: “As part of the Growth and Opportunity Project’s effort, focus groups were conducted in Columbus, Ohio, and Des Moines, Iowa, to listen to voters who used to consider themselves Republicans. These are voters who recently left the Party.

Asked to describe Republicans, they said that the Party is ‘scary,’ ‘narrow minded,’ and ‘out of touch’ and that we were a Party of ‘stuffy old men.’ This is consistent with the findings of other post-election surveys.”

NOW: In the NBC/Wall Street Journal poll, 53 percent blamed the GOPers for the shutdown. (Only 31 percent pointed the finger at Obama.) Seventy percent said they believed the Republicans were “putting their own political agenda ahead of what is good for the country.” Given that most respondents believed the shutdown was causing harm to the nation, it’s a fair bet that the actions of the GOP are seen by many as “narrow minded” or “out of touch.”

When the GOP autopsy was released seven months ago, conservatives—especially those who oppose immigration reform—howled that Priebus and establishment Republicans (including Karl Rove) were trying to neuter right-wingers and dilute the core ideology of the Grand Old Party. But it turns out they had little reason to worry. The report that Priebus hailed at the time—and its primary message about messaging: Don’t let extremists drive our bus—has had no discernible impact on House Speaker John Boehner, the tea partiers in his House Republican caucus, Sens. Cruz (R-Tex.), Mike Lee (R-Utah), and Rand Paul (R-Ken.), and other GOPers who have pressed for ideologically-fueled conflict. Yet given that the current polls show Republicans have fallen deeper into the Mariana Trench of public opinion, it seems that the morticians were right. It’s too bad for them that their autopsy turned out to be DOA.

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In Shutdown and Debt Ceiling Showdown, GOPers Ignore Their Party’s Own Advice

Posted in FF, GE, LG, ONA, PUR, Uncategorized, Venta | Tagged , , , , , , , | Comments Off on In Shutdown and Debt Ceiling Showdown, GOPers Ignore Their Party’s Own Advice