Tag Archives: us supreme court

Presidential Appointments Were Already a Total Nightmare. Now They Just Got Worse.

Mother Jones

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Barack Obama had better hope nobody resigns from his administration during the final two years of his presidency. Thanks to a new Supreme Court ruling released Thursday, it’s going to be a lot harder for Obama, and every other future president, to staff the executive branch.

In a unanimous decision penned by Justice Stephen Breyer, the court greatly reduced the president’s ability to make recess appointments with its decision in Noel Canning v. National Labor Relations Board. Breyer’s opinion rejected a lower court’s ruling that would have essentially nullified the president’s ability to appoint nominees to temporary jobs in the executive branch when Congress is out of town. But Breyer and his fellow eight justices said that the president can’t ignore Congress when it claims to still be at work, even if those sessions are just show meetings to obstruct the president. While upholding the concept of recess appointments, the new ruling will in essence prevent the president from using recess appointments anytime the opposition party controls one side of Congress. The Senate can’t enter a recess without the consent of the House, and they’re unlikely to ever get permission to officially leave town if the House majority is opposed to the president. The court’s decision also leaves countless labor dispute decisions in doubt.

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Presidential Appointments Were Already a Total Nightmare. Now They Just Got Worse.

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Read the Supreme Court’s Decision on Obama’s Recess Appointment Power

Mother Jones

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On Thursday, the Supreme Court struck a blow to the president’s ability to use recess appointments, rejecting his ability to sidestep pro-forma sessions of Congress. Read the court’s full opinion below:

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Supreme Court Recess Appointments Decision (PDF)

Supreme Court Recess Appointments Decision (Text)

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Read the Supreme Court’s Decision on Obama’s Recess Appointment Power

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Will the Supreme Court Stop Cops From Reading Your Text Messages?

Mother Jones

If you’re like many Americans, your cell phone is overflowing with personal information—text messages, emails, photos of your friends and family, an organized history of who you’ve been calling, private notes, automatic login to your Facebook and Twitter accounts, your favorite music, and even maps of where you like to run around your house. And if you’re anything like Mother Jones staffers, you probably keep your cell phone on you at all times. If I’m arrested on my way home from work (probably for eating on the Metro), you can bet that my smart phone will be in my pocket or my purse. And in Washington, DC, as well as most states across the country, the law won’t keep the arresting officer from taking my phone without a warrant, rifling through my text messages, copying the data for later use, and even breaking my password to do so—all things that would most likely be illegal if the officer went to my office and did them to my work computer, instead.

But that could soon change. The Supreme Court has been asked to consider two cases—United States v. Wurie and Riley v. California—which challenge the legality of warrantless cell phone searches under the Fourth Amendment. Police (and the Obama Administration) maintain that these searches are necessary, stopping suspects from deleting crucial information about drug deals and trafficking rings; but civil liberties advocates say that’s no excuse for officers not to get a warrant. Here’s everything you need to know about these searches, and whether the Supreme Court might stop them:

So, why are police allowed to search my cell phone without a warrant?

Terence McCormack, Flickr

The Fourth Amendment is supposed to protect Americans from being searched by police without a warrant—but there are exceptions, one of which kicks in as soon as you get arrested. If you’ve got cuffs on, even if you did nothing wrong, your rights now fall under the “Search Incident to Lawful Arrest Doctrine.” That means that the cop arresting you doesn’t need a warrant to search anything in close proximity to your body. The reason this exception exists is to keep law enforcement officers safe—say, if a suspect has a cigarette pack inside his shirt that could be mistaken for a gun—and to stop suspects from destroying evidence on the scene of the crime (like this alleged bank robber, who appears to be eating his hold-up note).

A court ruled in the 1970s that an item—in this particular case, a footlocker in a car trunk that contained marijuana—couldn’t be searched without a warrant once it had been taken away from the scene of the arrest. But as the Electronic Freedom Foundation notes, there still isn’t a decisive ruling as to whether this applies to smart phones. The way the law stands now in most states, police can take your cell phone, read your messages, and even copy data for a search later, citing the fact that you may be able to delete it remotely.

So could a cop search my computer without a warrant under this same logic?

Probably not. In order to go into your home and search your computer without a warrant, police need to have probable cause that you’re about to destroy important evidence from your hard drive, or have your consent. And Linda Lye, a staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) notes that “no court would say an officer can come search your home, without a warrant, because you’ve been arrested.” However, if you’re holding your computer when you get arrested or its in your car, it might be seized so that you can’t potentially destroy evidence (and if you’re at a US border, all bets are off, privacy-wise.)

In which states are these cell phone searches legal?

It depends on rulings made by state and federal courts. Only Ohio, Florida, and the First Circuit Court (which includes Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island) have decisively ruled that police need to get a warrant before reading your text messages. The rest of the states have either not ruled on the issue (meaning police can probably conduct the searches) or explicitly allow them. For more information on which states outlaw this practice and why, check out this awesome interactive map put together by Forbes and the Electronic Freedom Foundation (blue states outlaw these warrantless searches, red states allow them, and yellow states haven’t ruled.)

Forbes

When have these warrantless searches happened?

Lots of times—here’s a brief review of 14 cases that have made it to court in the last six years alone. And not all the cases have to do with hard crimes. In 2012, a man who was protesting a proposed city law in San Francisco by pitching a tent and sleeping outside was arrested for loitering. Even though police already had evidence of his crime (i.e., the tent), they allegedly began to read his text messages, which included sensitive information and contacts that could affect his future lobbying efforts on the proposal.

What happened in the two cases that are facing the Supreme Court?

In 2007, Boston police nabbed Brima Wurie for allegedly engaging in a cocaine deal at a convenience store. After he was booked at the station, the officers noticed that the phone they had seized from Wurie was receiving calls from a number identified as “my house.” They then looked at his call log without a warrant and used that information, as well as a photo of what appeared to be his girlfriend, to find his home. They then searched his residence, obtaining additional evidence that was used to charge Warie. The US Court of Appeals for the First Circuit found that in this case, the officers violated the Fourth Amendment.

The second case, Riley v. California, deals with David Riley, who was stopped by officers because the tags on his car were expired—but his cell phone was then seized and searched, revealing that he participated in a 2009 gang shooting in San Diego. The California Supreme Court ruled that case was not a violation of the Fourth Amendment.

What’s the legal argument against these searches?

Susan Melkisethian

As Brianne Gorod, the appellate counsel for the Constitutional Accountability Center explains, “The search in Riley v. California violates that core purpose of the Fourth Amendment…If the Supreme Court doesn’t resolve this, police officers in some parts of the country will be able to search the entire contents of an individual’s cell phone, tablet, e-reader, and any other digital devices he has in his possession if he is arrested, even if the arrest is for a minor offense, such as failing to fasten his seatbelt.” Additionally, the judge in Wurie found that not only do cops not need to read text messages in order to determine whether a cell phone is a gun, but they don’t need to read them to stop evidence from being deleted, either:

Weighed against the significant privacy implications inherent in cell phone data searches, we view such a slight and truly theoretical risk of evidence destruction as insufficient. While evidence preservation measures, such as removing a phone’s battery may be less convenient for arresting officers than conducting a full search of a cell phone’s data incident to arrest, the government has not suggested that they are unworkable, and it bears the burden of justifying its failure to obtain a warrant.

The case where the San Francisco protester had his cell phone seized, described above, uniquely argues that the searches violate the First Amendment; because cell phones contain valuable contact information for assemblies and protests.

My phone is locked, so this won’t happen to me…right?

It could. While it’s illegal for officers to compel you to give up information that could lead to incriminating evidence; Linda Lye from the ACLU argues that “the courts are still struggling with the issue on whether you can compel someone to provide a password to a cell phone.” And Ryan Radia, writing for Ars Technica, notes that “once police have lawfully taken the phone off your person, they are free to try to crack the password by guessing it or by entering every possible combination.” Law enforcement definitely has the capacity to break cell phone locks—CNET reported in 2012 that major tech companies have been helping police bypass lock pages on cell phones for years—and many police departments have forensic extraction devices that can obtain data from computers and cell phones.

Why do law enforcement say these searches are necessary?

Ron Cottingham, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, argued in a US News and World Report op-ed earlier this month that not all people under arrest are going to have their cell phones searched without a warrant. Instead, “in cases involving human trafficking, sexual slavery and narcotics, the contents of these devices can prove to be invaluable.” He also notes that “for those who choose to disobey our laws, they must understand that their actions could result in the loss of the privacy they enjoyed.”

What are the chances of the Supreme Court actually hearing these cases?

Alan Butler, appellate advocacy counsel for the Electronic Privacy Information Center, says, “It’s very likely that the Supreme Court will grant certiorari and review the issue (either in Riley or Wurie). If the Court does not take one case, it will likely take the other.” Laurie Levenson, a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles argues that, “I think this issue will make it up to the Supreme Court, however, the court often waits to see how the circuit courts work out the issue, so I don’t think that Riley or Wurie will necessarily be the cases that go all the way.” The Supreme Court should issue its decision within the next month.

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Will the Supreme Court Stop Cops From Reading Your Text Messages?

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NRA to Supreme Court: Give Handguns to 18-Year-Olds

Mother Jones

Last week, the National Rifle Association filed a petition with the Supreme Court (PDF) asking it to strike down a ban on the sale of handguns to people who are at least 18 and younger than 21. The NRA, which sued the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives in 2010 over the age restriction, argues that it denies young adults their Second Amendment right to self-defense by suggesting without sufficient evidence that they are too irresponsible to own handguns.

The US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ruled last year that the restriction was “consistent with a longstanding tradition of targeting select groups’ ability to access and to use arms for the sake of public safety.” It also acknowledged that Congress found people below the age of 21 to be “relatively immature and that denying them easy access to handguns would deter violent crime” (PDF). The Supreme Court has never considered the restriction since it became law as part of the Gun Control Act on 1968.

The NRA’s petition, filed with two 19-year-olds, questions whether “a nationwide, class-based, categorical ban on meaningful access to the quintessential means to exercise the right to keep and bear arms for self-defense can be reconciled with the Second Amendment, the equal protection guarantee, and this Court’s precedents.” The petition argues that the appeals court’s ruling contradicts the Supreme Court’s 2008 decision in DC v. Heller that affirms the right to own a handgun for self-defense, and the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision in McDonald v. Chicago that applies the Heller decision to every state.

Adam Winkler, a UCLA law professor who studies Second Amendment cases, predicts that the Supreme Court—if it even decides to hear the case—will uphold the restriction because of its tendency to be deferential to state and federal lawmakers on gun control. The court hasn’t reviewed a gun control case since 2010 and has turned down at least six since 2008. But if the court decides to review the case, the decision may be close because the NRA has a relatively strong argument, Winkler says.

“There’s something compelling about the argument that 18- to 21-year-olds who are able to bear arms in defense of the nation should be able to bear arms in defense of themselves,” Winkler says. “I think, symbolically, there’s a strong case to be made.”

On the other hand, the defense would have a variety of arguments for the law’s public safety merits. Risky behavior, which teenagers engage in more than older people, leads to increased gun accidents and violence. Greater access to guns would likely increase suicide rates among at-risk youth, and people between the ages of 18 and 24 commit the majority of gun homicides.

One complicating factor that may improve the NRA’s case is that the so-called gun-show loophole that Congress failed to close earlier this year already allows people between the ages of 18 and 21 to buy handguns. Federal law prohibits them from buying guns from federally licensed dealers but not from private sellers at gun shows or on the internet. “That strongly undermines the value of the law, and I think helps the NRA,” Winkler says. “Their argument’s made stronger by the fact that you can’t buy a gun from a federally licensed dealer, but you can buy a gun from anyone else.”

Still, Winkler says, “In general I think the idea of keeping people who are too young to use firearms responsibly from getting their hands on guns is a perfectly legitimate government objective.”

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NRA to Supreme Court: Give Handguns to 18-Year-Olds

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Democrats To Introduce Supreme Court Ethics Bill

Mother Jones

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â&#128;&#139;Virginia “Ginni” Thomas, the wife of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, has been in the news recently after Mother Jones revealed her involvement in Groundswell, a secret effort by a group of conservatives to organize their fight against liberals, mainstream Republicans, and Karl Rove. Her political activity has once again raised questions about whether she is creating conflicts of interest for her husband, and whether he should be forced to recuse himself from cases that involve Ginni’s work.

Such calls for Thomas to recuse from cases hit a fevered pitch when the Affordable Care Act was before the high court and Ginni was actively lobbying against it. As it turned out, there’s no mechanism for concerned citizens to complain about a Supreme Court justice, or even a clear set of rules that the justices must follow in making recusal decisions. Supreme Court justices are exempt from the Code of Conduct for United State Judges, the rulebook that every other federal judge in the country has to follow.

That code would have prohibited the justices from a number of controversial activities the Supreme Court has engaged in over the past few years. In 2011, for instance, Thomas and Justice Antonin Scalia headlined a fundraiser for the conservative legal group, the Federalist Society. Ordinary federal judges couldn’t have done that. Both also have attended hush-hush political events hosted by Koch Industries that are billed as efforts “to review strategies for combating the multitude of public policies that threaten to destroy America as we know it.” Koch Industries is owned by the right-wing Koch family that’s been dumping millions of dollars in the Republican politics, particularly after the court decided in Citizens United to allow unlimited corporate money into the electoral system. The code also requires federal judges to recuse themselves from cases in which a spouse or family member has a financial interest, a rule that might apply to the Thomases.

Several members have decided to try to do something about the appearance of impropriety by some of the justices. On Thursday, Rep. Louise Slaughter (D-NY), Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Sen. Chris Murhpy (D-CT), and Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI), plan to introduce the Supreme Court Ethics Act of 2012 that would force the high court to adopt an ethics code much like the one that binds lower court judges. The idea has support from legal scholars, who’ve been urging the court to adopt such a code since last year. More than 125,000 people have signed a petition calling on Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. to apply the Code of Conduct to the court. But Roberts has been pretty adamant that he thinks the justices are perfectly capable of policing themselves without the need for silly codes (codes which most of the sitting justices once had to abide by on a lower court).

Without buy-in from Roberts, any attempt, even by Congress, to require the justices to give themselves a written code of ethics is probably a tough sell. The new bill, if it could even pass through the full Congress (also doubtful), could set off an epic separation of powers battle between the two branches of government. A spokesman from Slaughter’s office says that the bill is absolutely constitutional, as Congress has the authority to regulate the administration of the court—setting the number of justices and whatnot. Still, it’s possible that the court could put up a fight—a fight that might ultimately have to be decided by….the Supreme Court.

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Democrats To Introduce Supreme Court Ethics Bill

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