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Bobby Jindal is Running for President. He Might Win.

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I’m more bullish on Bobby Jindal’s prospects for 2016 than a lot of people I know. Sure, he’s got that exorcism thing in his past, but in four years that will be deemed “old news” and no longer something worth dwelling on. And sure, he gave a bad response to Obama’s first State of the Union address in 2009, but everyone gives bad responses to State of the Union addresses. That’s no big deal.

What Jindal has going for him is a peculiar combination. On the one hand, he’s about as conservative as it’s possible to get. On social issues he’s roughly a clone of Rick Santorum, and on domestic issues he’s….well, he’s the guy who has the brass to suggest that Louisiana should abolish its income tax and replace it with a sales tax. In other words, he explicitly wants to lower taxes on the rich and raise taxes on the poor. Even Newt Gingrich would quail a bit at that prospect.

So that’s the one hand. The other hand is that, for some reason, the media is willing—so far—to buy into his story of being a reformer who wants Republicans to stop being the “stupid party.” And it’s true: he’s actually said that. But Jindal doesn’t think the GOP needs reforming because it’s drifted too far right, or because it’s alienated young people and Hispanics, or because it’s become too absolutist and unwilling to compromise. Quite the contrary. Jindal thinks the Republican Party isn’t right-wing enough. Here he is from today’s big speech preparing the soil for a 2016 run:

If any rational human being were to create our government anew, today, from a blank piece of paper — we would have about one fourth of the buildings we have in Washington and about half of the government workers. We would replace most of its bureaucracy with a handful of good websites.

If we created American government today, we would not dream of taking money out of people’s pockets, sending it all the way to Washington, handing it over to politicians and bureaucrats to staple thousands of pages of artificial and political instructions to it, then wear that money out by grinding it through the engine of bureaucratic friction…and then sending what’s left of it back to the states, where it all started, in order to grow the American economy.

….If it’s worth doing, block grant it to the states. If it’s something you don’t trust the states to do, then maybe Washington shouldn’t do it at all.

Later, there are pleasant rhetorical nods to looking forward, not backward; rejecting identity politics; not being the party of big business; and so forth. But that’s just window dressing. Jindal’s vision is plain: he endorses the most stringent social conservatism possible, alongside a breathtakingly absolutist rejection of the New Deal and everything that’s come since. As Ed Kilgore says, “His ‘populist vision’ of conservative politics is about as new and fresh as that of John C. Calhoun, and the rhetoric has been worked to death by ‘anti-Washington’ politicians of both parties for decades on end.”

Will the media continue to tout Jindal as a “breath of fresh air” for the Republican Party? Or will they eventually catch on that he basically wants to turn the entire country into Louisiana? We’ll have to wait and see. But I think Jindal has more crossover appeal than a lot of pundits think. He’s got obvious appeal to the tea party base, which loves his hardnosed conservatism and really loves the idea of proving that they’re not racists by voting for a hardnosed conservative who’s also a dark-skinned son of Indian parents. (Take that, liberals!) And the press will, as usual, be wowed by the idea of a hardnosed conservative who has a high IQ and can discuss policy issues intelligently. The fact that Jindal is singing the same old tired song, and merely wrapping it in a thin fog of policy wonkishness, will take a while to sink in.

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Bobby Jindal is Running for President. He Might Win.

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Could the sharing economy kill public transit?

Could the sharing economy kill public transit?

Ken Schmier is a Bay Area transit guru. He’s essentially responsible for the limitless Muni Fast Pass in San Francisco, and created the NextBus application in the 2000s to help people catch those ever-elusive city buses. But now Schmier is thinking transit may not be all it’s cracked up to be.

“Frankly,” the Bay Area attorney and businessman told Next City, “I think transit agencies are obsolete.”

Blame that damn sharing economy.

Schmier is now all about what he calls “Micro-Transit” — in other words, ride-sharing, or turning regular cars into taxis.

The Bay Area already has Casual Car Pool, a long-standing ride-share project that relies on a vintage website and message board instead of the smartphones and big money of new ride-sharing ventures. It’s kind of an organized form of hitchhiking, and it really works.

Schmier wants to make this general idea more efficient, scalable, and tech-savvy. From Next City:

His vision, detailed in a white paper shared with Next City, is to put radio-frequency identification chips into the hands of passengers — in key fobs, transit cards or even driver’s licenses. Willing drivers, in turn, would be equipped with readers. When a potential passenger comes within scanning distance of a participating car, the driver’s picture would appear on an external display, and the rider’s on an internal one, confirming that both have gone through a background check.

Making the moment ripe for Micro-Transit, concludes Schmier, is that the technology is newly affordable: About $2 for the chip and $200 for the reader.

As for passengers getting where they need to go, drivers might opt for a signal showing the direction the car is heading. Longer trips could require hops between cars.

The program is good for cities, says Schmier. Tapping private cars’ “excess capacity,” i.e. empty seats, cuts down on underused public transportation, creates feeder lines to high-traffic trains and buses, and saves gas.

As for providing incentive enough to make drivers willing to let a stranger in their car, Schmier envisions a small fee — 50 cents or a dollar — that would be deposited in their Micro-Transit account for each rider picked up. Or, drivers might opt for high-occupancy vehicle credit.

Schmier’s plan might make sense for less dense regions full of cars, like the Bay. And in a lot of ways, it’s more in the spirit of the sharing economy than many of the new ride-share start-ups driven by a profit motive. But if our goal is more dense, livable, transitable cities, cars ain’t gonna cut it, no matter how many of us we try to cram into each one.

Susie Cagle writes and draws news for Grist. She also writes and draws tweets for

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Could the sharing economy kill public transit?

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There’s a hole in my plastic-bag law

There’s a hole in my plastic-bag law

Alameda County, Calif., where I live, has banned stores from giving out plastic bags as of Jan. 1. It’s great news that was a long time coming, considering the county is home to eco-minded cities Berkeley and Oakland.

The county suffers from its fair share of local plastic bag pollution. “Each year, the equivalent of 100,000 kitchen garbage bags worth of litter end up in our local waterways, including an estimated 1 million disposable plastic bags,” says Jim Scanlin, manager of Alameda County’s Clean Water Program. And without a water treatment plant, all that plastic flows directly into local creeks and San Francisco Bay.

Most businesses have switched to paper bags. But because of a loophole in the law, they actually don’t have to — they can simply call a plastic bag “reusable,” like this awesome one I got from my local liquor store the other day.

You can tell it’s a “reusable” plastic bag and not one of those regular garbagey plastic bags because not only does it say “reusable” on it, but it is also green! And it cost me 10 cents, like all bags do now, as an incentive for customers to bring their own to the store.

I’ve already seen three of these in gutters between my house and said liquor store, on their way to a garbage patch. Good job, plastic bag ban, keep up the good work!

Susie Cagle writes and draws news for Grist. She also writes and draws tweets for

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There’s a hole in my plastic-bag law

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WATCH: The Gun Lobby Keeps Chalk Outlines Working Overtime Saunders Cartoon

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Editors’ note: Mother Jones illustrator Zina Saunders creates editorial animations riffing on the political news and current events of the week. In this week’s animation, chalk outlines from a crime scene dream about being on a blackboard instead of a sidewalk. The animation, as always, was written and animated by Zina Saunders.

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WATCH: The Gun Lobby Keeps Chalk Outlines Working Overtime Saunders Cartoon

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Platinum Coins and Banana Republics

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A couple of days ago Greg Sargent emailed to ask me why I was so opposed to the $1 trillion platinum coin as a way of evading the debt ceiling. After all, a lot of liberals argue that Republicans are threatening to turn the United States into a banana republic by refusing to allow our bills to be paid, so why shouldn’t Democrats respond in kind? I think it’s worth sharing my answer:

Fighting banana republic with more banana republic is far more dangerous than coin supporters think. It’s one thing for Republicans to go crazy. It’s another for craziness to essentially become institutionalized. When liberals stop fighting this kind of stuff, we really are on our way to banana republic-hood.

Is that self-explanatory? In the end, I think we’ll end up with a negotiated solution of some kind to the debt ceiling standoff, so I don’t consider the danger as great as some people do. But even if I’m wrong about that, I think there’s a much bigger danger in the possibility of ridiculous unilateral legal hair-splitting becoming the norm in American politics. If that happens, then we really are just an unusually rich banana republic.

The answer to the debt ceiling nonsense is to force Republicans back into some semblance of responsibility and prudence. In the long term, it’s the only way we survive. Barack Obama appears to understand that.

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Platinum Coins and Banana Republics

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How Season 2 of "Girls" Resembles Season 6 of "Californication"

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Last year, Lena Dunham’s Girls on HBO was the next big thing—a profoundly bland and unstoppably irritating trek through a Brooklynite’s perdition of unpaid internships, failed orgasms, and daunting First World Problems.

When it premiered last April, the series marked a new low for the premium cable network, even managing to surpass John From Cincinnati in its level of galling unwatchability. The inaugural season was practically drowned in its commitment to a mumblecore-hued comic universe defined by limp execution, clumsy timing, and deafening familiarity. It was inertia disguised as quirkiness, stock narrative masquerading as bold art, and peskiness paraded as high comedy.

Season 2 premieres on Sunday, ushering in another 10-episode, two-month reign of Girlsmageddon. And I’ll be the first to admit there’s been a noticeable improvement: Girls season 2 is definitely less of a crime against humanity than Girls season 1. But the modest boost in quality is nothing to write home about.

In the first four episodes, we find that some things have changed, but most have stayed exactly the same—preserved by the emotional permafrost of twentysomething New Yorkers.

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How Season 2 of "Girls" Resembles Season 6 of "Californication"

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MoJo’s Best Longreads of 2012

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The conventional wisdom claims that people won’t read lengthy magazine stories online, but our readers regularly prove otherwise. Many of our top traffic-generating stories have been the deeply researched investigations and reported narratives—and we find that plenty of readers stick with them to the bitter end. Our readers also comment, tweet, Facebook, and Tumble enthusiastically, citing details found deep within these stories. So here, for your New Year’s pleasure, is a selection of 10 of our best-loved longreads from 2012. (Click here for last year’s list.)

The Silent Treatment
Imagine serving decades in prison for a crime your sibling framed you for. Now imagine doing it while profoundly deaf. By James Ridgeway

How a Bunch of Scrappy Marines Could Help Beat Breast Cancer
Exposed to poisoned water at Camp Lejeune, these vets may hold the key to a scourge that kills some 40,000 American women—and a few hundred men—per year. By Florence Williams

Follow the Dark Money
The down and dirty history of secret spending, PACs gone wild, and the epic four-decade fight over the only kind of political capital that matters. By Andy Kroll

“It’s Just Not Right”: The Failures of Alabama’s Self-Deportation Experiment
What happens when outside agitators work with state politicians to pass the nation’s most draconian anti-immigrant law? By Paul Reyes

Black Gold for the GOP
Trevor Rees-Jones made his name as a Dallas fracking pioneer. So what’s he doing bankrolling political attack ads halfway across the country? By Josh Harkinson

I Was a Warehouse Wage Slave
My brief, backbreaking, rage-inducing, low-paying, dildo-packing time inside the online-shipping machine. By Mac Mclelland

The Frog of War
When biologist Tyrone Hayes discovered that a top-selling herbicide messes with sex hormones, its manufacturer went into battle mode. Thus began one of the weirdest feuds in the history of science. By Dashka Slater

The Dog That Voted, and Other Election-Fraud Yarns
The GOP’s 10-year campaign to gin up voter fraud hysteria—and bring back Jim Crow at the ballot box. By Kevin Drum

Solitary in Iran Nearly Broke Me. Then I Went Inside America’s Prisons.
We throw thousands of men in the hole for the books they read, the company they keep, the beliefs they hold. By Shane Bauer

Big Sugar’s Sweet Little Lies

How the industry kept scientists from asking: Does sugar kill? By Gary Taubes and Cristin Kearns Couzens

Click here to browse more great longreads from Mother Jones.

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MoJo’s Best Longreads of 2012

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How Does Obama Plan to Not Negotiate Over the Debt Ceiling?

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I’ve spent the past couple of months trying not to get fully assimilated by the fiscal cliff Borg. Nor more than one post a day! That’s what I told myself. There simply didn’t seem to be any point in obsessing over every little back-and-forth and every little Beltway nuance of who was up and who was down. Besides, it bored me.

I think I was mostly successful in that, but now I have a new challenge: not getting fully assimilated by the debt ceiling Borg. Two months to go on this! But I haven’t done even one post about this yet today, so let’s take on a question that’s perplexed me about this whole thing. Greg Sargent notes that President Obama has vowed that he flatly won’t negotiate over the debt ceiling. Other stuff, sure, but not the debt ceiling. Congress just needs to raise it, full stop:

But it’s unclear to me how this will work in practical terms. Unless Obama is prepared to go into default — or to pull some other ace out of his back pocket, such as the 14th amendment or “platinum coin” options — he will inevitably be negotiating over the debt ceiling. And he doesn’t appear prepared to do any of those things.

My question is a little different. We already know that Obama will be negotiating over the sequestration cuts. And once that’s happening, there’s just no way to pretend that he’s not also negotiating over the debt ceiling. If Republicans keep saying that they’ll only raise the ceiling if the sequester is dealt with, then you’re negotiating over the debt ceiling whether you admit it or not.

At a practical level, then, I’m curious about how Obama plans to pull off this “no negotiation” stance. Any ideas?

On a related note, I also recommend Alec MacGillis’s take on how hostage-taking over the debt ceiling has gone almost overnight from a reckless new tactic to merely the way things are in Washington DC. I know there’s a limit to how much reporters can call out this stuff in straight news accounts, but somehow they need to figure out a way. This isn’t just business as usual. It’s a willful band of radical Republicans refusing to pay bills they’ve already run up. It’s really inexcusable.

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How Does Obama Plan to Not Negotiate Over the Debt Ceiling?

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Dark Money Group Promised the IRS it Would Stay Out of Politics, Then Didn’t

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This story first appeared on the ProPublica website.

Five conservative dark money groups active in 2012 elections previously told tax regulators that they would not engage in politics, filings obtained from the IRS show.

The best known and most controversial of the groups is Americans for Responsible Leadership, an Arizona-based organization. Not long after filing an application to the IRS pledging 2014 under penalty of perjury 2014 that it would not attempt to sway elections, the group spent more than $5.2 million, mainly to support Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney.

The California Fair Political Practices Commission has accused Americans for Responsible Leadership of “campaign money laundering” for failing to disclose the origin of $11 million it funneled to a group trying to influence two state ballot propositions.

The other groups that filed applications for IRS recognition of tax-exempt status saying they wouldn’t engage in politics are Freedom Path, Rightchange.com II, America Is Not Stupid and A Better America Now.

Much hangs on these applications, all of which are still pending. The tax code allows social welfare nonprofits to engage in political activities as long as public welfare, not politics, is their primary purpose. If the IRS ultimately decides not to recognize these groups, they could have to disclose their donors.

Such decisions, along with IRS’ oversight of social welfare nonprofits overall, have come under increasing scrutiny as these groups have assumed an ever larger role in elections, pouring an unprecedented $322 million into the 2012 cycle.

ProPublica has documented how some social welfare nonprofits underreport their political activities, characterizing them to the IRS as “education” or “issue advocacy.” Other groups have popped up, spent money on elections and then folded before tax regulators could catch up with them.

The IRS sent the applications submitted by the five groups to ProPublica in response to a public records request, although the agency is only required to supply these records after groups are recognized as tax-exempt. (ProPublica also obtained the pending application of Crossroads GPS, the dark money group launched by GOP strategist Karl Rove that spent more than $70 million on the 2012 elections, which we wrote about separately.)

The IRS confirmed that none of the groups had been recognized as tax-exempt and referred ProPublica to its earlier response about Crossroads’ application. In that email, the IRS cited a law that says publishing unauthorized tax returns or return information is a felony punishable by up to five years in prison or a fine of up to $5,000, or both.

A lawyer for Americans for Responsible Leadership, Jason Torchinsky, cited the same law in an email.

“If you willfully to (sic) print or publish in any manner any information about Americans for Responsible Leadership that you do not lawfully possess 2014 and which may or may not be complete 2014 you will be doing so in violation of (the law) and we will not hesitate to report such unlawful publication to the appropriate law enforcement officials,” Torchinsky wrote.

The other groups for which ProPublica obtained IRS applications did not respond to calls or emails for comment.

ProPublica has published the applications of all five groups, but redacted parts to omit financial information.

“As we said when we published our story on the Crossroads application, ProPublica believes that the information we are publishing is not barred by the statute cited by the IRS, and it is clear to us that there is a strong First Amendment interest in its publication,” said Richard Tofel, ProPublica’s president.

Social welfare nonprofits do not need IRS recognition, though most opt to apply for it. They can operate, and spend money on politics, while their applications are under consideration.

Americans for Responsible Leadership incorporated in Arizona in July 2011 and applied for IRS recognition last September.

By that time, the group had already spent $5,300 on get-out-the-vote efforts for Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, and given $57,500 to two Republican political committees in Arizona.

Nonetheless, its IRS application said the group hadn’t spent any money to influence elections, nor would it. It also said the group planned to split its efforts between influencing policy and educating the public, in part by “promoting a more ethical and transparent government.”

According to Federal Election Commission filings, the group spent more than $5.2 million on campaign activities in October and early November, mostly on phone calls urging the defeat of President Barack Obama. In addition to the millions it pumped into California ballot measures, the group also spent $1.5 million on two Arizona propositions.

While the IRS doesn’t classify spending on ballot measures as political, California election authorities do.

When ProPublica read the group’s description of its activities on its IRS application to Ann Ravel, the chairwoman of the California Fair Political Practices Commission, she laughed.

“Wow,” she said, upon hearing that the group said it would not try to influence elections. “That’s simply false.”

The California commission pressed Americans for Responsible Leadership to identify who contributed the funds it aimed at the California ballot measures, a battle that reached the state Supreme Court. Just before Election Day, the court ordered the group to reveal its donors.

So, who were they? Another Arizona social welfare nonprofit, which got its money from a Virginia trade association, which also didn’t have to report its donors. California regulators are still trying to peel back the group’s layers, to see who’s behind the money.

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Dark Money Group Promised the IRS it Would Stay Out of Politics, Then Didn’t

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WATCH: The NRA’s New Line of Bumper Stickers Fiore Cartoon

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Mark Fiore is a Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonist and animator whose work has appeared in the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the San Francisco Examiner, and dozens of other publications. He is an active member of the American Association of Editorial Cartoonists, and has a website featuring his work.

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WATCH: The NRA’s New Line of Bumper Stickers Fiore Cartoon

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