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Historically black community could face a toxic facility for Atlantic Coast Pipeline

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The saga continues for the embattled Atlantic Coast Pipeline. On Tuesday, a Virginia board approved a controversial plan to build a natural gas compressor station in Union Hill, a historically black community in Buckingham County. The decision was met with uproar from opponents, who vowed to keep fighting in protests and in court.

“It’s a real tragedy that the board that has been appointed to protect our air makes a decision that seals the fate and disregards the ongoing health and welfare of an entire community,” said Chad Oba, chair of the Friends of Buckingham, an organization of Buckingham citizens, and a local resident that will be impacted by the decision.

“This is just another example of institutionalized racial discrimination,” she told Grist.

The state Air Pollution Control Board voted 4-0 in favor of a station permit for the approximately 600-mile underground pipeline that would carry fracked natural gas from West Virginia into Virginia and North Carolina. The development is a joint venture from several energy companies, but Richmond-based Dominion Energy is leading the pack in building the $7 billion pipeline.

AP Photo / Steve Helber

“Today’s unanimous approval is a significant step forward for this transformational project and the final state approval needed in Virginia,” wrote Dominion spokesman Karl Neddenien in an email to the Washington Post. “We have a profound respect for this community and its history, and we will continue working together to build a better future.”

Here’s the rub: Pipeline opponents are concerned that exhaust from the compressor station will hurt the surrounding community, putting them at risk of a range of ailments including asthma. Rebecca Rubin, an air board member, was dismissed by Virginia Governor Ralph Northam less than a week after she raised concerns about the disproportionate impact of the pipeline compressor station on Union Hill (ahem, Dominion energy is the state’s biggest corporate political donor).

In a recent Washington Post op-ed, Rubin writes that the compressor station’s designated location “would disproportionately affect a minority community, a classic environmental justice issue.”

Dominion Energy presented survey data based on broad Census Bureau information they say indicates the area surrounding the site is sparsely populated and made up of no more than 39 percent minority residents based on race. Company representatives argued that, based on those demographics, the neighborhood was“not an environmental justice community.

An anthropologist working with Friends of Buckingham, however, submitted the results of door-to-door research, finding that of the approximately 200 people who live within a one-mile radius of the site, 83 percent are racial minorities.

Supporters of the station say it will boost development in the rural area. In an effort to help build local support for the project, Dominion offered community improvement package valued at $5.1 million. The offer won over some residents but was not enough of an incentive for many residents of the Union Hill community, which was settled after the Civil War by free blacks and former slaves.

“The legacy of placing toxic facilities in places where they disproportionately affect poor communities of color is unjust and unacceptable and needs acute examination,” wrote stakeholders in an open letter calling for the permit’s denial. “It is not right to look the other way while this continues.”

One thing is clear: the battle is still a long ways from over. The project’s opponents will likely challenge the decision in state court, adding to the pipeline’s hodgepodge of setbacks. Notably, the plan was stalled after the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled last month that the U.S. Forest Service did not have proper permissions for the pipeline to cut across the Appalachian Trail. (Dominion plans to appeal the decision.)

Despite the board’s approval of the natural gas compression station, members of the Friends of Buckingham County say they too plan to keep fighting. “We have not given up,” Oba added. “If anything, it’s given us more resolve.”

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Historically black community could face a toxic facility for Atlantic Coast Pipeline

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Texas, keystone of the pro-life movement, sure is seeing a lot of maternal deaths

Protesters hold signs during an anti-abortion rally at the State Capitol in Austin, Texas. Reuters/Mike Stone

Tex-Mess

Texas, keystone of the pro-life movement, sure is seeing a lot of maternal deaths

By on Aug 22, 2016Share

Texas’ maternal mortality rate nearly doubled between 2010 and 2014 — from 18.6 deaths per 100,000 to 33 over the course of four years, according to a new study in the journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology. Overall, the national maternal mortality rate increased by 26.6 percent between 2000 and 2014 — but Texas’ increase was deemed “unusual” by Marian McDorman and the study’s other authors.

The study doesn’t make a causal relationship between the massive cuts that Texas has made to women’s health funding since 2011. Still, the study’s authors note the closing of several clinics in the state between 2011 and 2015 and that “in the absence of war, natural disaster, or severe economic upheaval, the doubling of a mortality rate within a 2-year period in a state with almost 400,000 annual births seems unlikely.”

Said closures made up the touchstone of the state’s years-long campaign against abortion, and were addressed in June’s Supreme Court decision on Whole Women’s Health v. Hellerstedt. It cannot be simple irony that Texas, whose legislature has rigorously justified the past five-odd years of anti-abortion measures as protecting “the dignity of life” and the health and safety of women, has in that exact time period seen an increase in maternal deaths exceeding that of any other state.

If you have the relative misfortune of getting knocked up in the Lone Star State, there’s more bad news: By 2100, the southwestern part of the state will see as many as 142 days over 95 degrees Fahrenheit, according to new data from Climate Central. That region — which is largely rural and sparsely populated — has been hit harder than the rest of the state by women’s health clinic closures.

And still — even post-SCOTUS decision — Texas’ war on reproductive rights marches on.

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Texas, keystone of the pro-life movement, sure is seeing a lot of maternal deaths

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