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Obama’s threat to act unilaterally on climate change? Looking empty

Obama’s threat to act unilaterally on climate change? Looking empty

Some good news for congressional Republicans: The president’s threat to take unilateral action on climate isn’t looking all that threatening. White House officials are talking about small steps the administration could take, but aren’t currently pushing forward on the big executive action that advocates have wanted to see: EPA regulation of greenhouse gases from existing power plants.

During Tuesday night’s State of the Union address, the president issued a challenge to Congress to act on climate change. He pointed at previous efforts to pass market-based, cap-and-trade legislation as an example. “If Congress won’t act soon to protect future generations” from the threat of climate change, he warned, “I will.”

Prior to the speech, there was some speculation that Obama might announce support for carbon regulations on existing power plants. Last week, the EPA reported that such facilities are the primary source of greenhouse gas emissions in the U.S., which means new rules for the plants would be a powerful step in fighting climate change. The EPA has had the power to impose such regulations for a while, but has so far only proposed measures limiting emissions from brand-new power plants. A threat to regulate old plants, many of which have been belching out carbon and particulate pollution for decades, could be potent.

In a meeting this morning, however, it became apparent that this isn’t going to happen any time soon — if at all. A small group of reporters from various outlets, myself included, met with several administration officials, including Nancy Sutley, chair of the White House Council on Environmental Quality; Heather Zichal, deputy assistant to the president for energy and climate; and Brian Deese, deputy director of the National Economic Council. Pressed to explain what steps Obama would take if Congress didn’t act, the response was underwhelming.

“We’re not in a position to say, ‘These are the 15 things we’re going to do,’” Zichal said, “but I think the point here is that we have demonstrated an ability to really use our existing authority — permitting-wise, what we can do through the budget — to make progress.” She noted that the administration has opened up federal land to renewable-energy development and reduced greenhouse gas emissions from the government itself. And don’t forget the work done to improve the energy efficiency of walk-in freezers and battery chargers.

Which is all fine — but it seems unlikely that Congress will feel is it forced to address the problem when faced with the prospect of Obama mandating even tighter efficiency standards for commercial appliances.

What about existing power plants, I asked? Why wasn’t that mentioned?

“The president demonstrated last night that his preference, his stated goal, is that he would welcome an opportunity to work with Congress on a bipartisan, market-based approach to reducing greenhouse gas emissions,” Zichal replied. “Whether or not that’s a reality certainly remains a question.” (No, it really doesn’t.)

Zichal repeated Obama’s commitment to the issue, and then said, “At this point in time, it would be a little premature to put the cart before the horse on existing sources, because we have yet to even finalize the proposal on new.” As for why they hadn’t finalized the standard for new power plants, Zichal noted that the EPA has been wading through more than 2 million public comments — many of which were solicited by activist groups to encourage action, not delay it. Zichal did note that many of the comments they’d received were “largely supportive.” She also said that industry had not voiced strong opposition to the standard for new plants.

Industry support, in the eyes of the administration, is key. In response to another question, Deese suggested that the choice between job creation and climate action was a false one. He noted last year’s new fuel-efficiency rules for automobiles and pointed out that automakers signed on to the policy, appreciating the certainty of a new standard.

But energy companies are not going to be anywhere near as accommodating about regulations that could shut down old coal-fired plants that have been longtime moneymakers. I asked Zichal if the administration had begun outreach to industry on standards for either new or old plants. ”Not at this time,” she replied, “no.”

During both his inaugural speech and his State of the Union, Obama spoke strongly about the need to take action on the climate. But in each, he also stressed the urgency of fixing the economy. Shortly after the election, the president outlined the distinction as clearly as he ever has, absent the florid rhetoric of his more high-profile addresses.

If … we can shape an agenda that says we can create jobs, advance growth, and make a serious dent in climate change and be an international leader, I think that’s something that the American people would support.

Turning knobs and ratcheting down standards can make a difference in the climate fight, but it can’t win it. If small tweaks are the threat Obama is holding over Republicans — or if he isn’t saying what that threat might be — it’s not likely anyone will be cowed into action. When you hand someone a note reading “Do this or else,” it’s generally recommended that the recipient be afraid of the “or else.” And that there be one.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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Obama’s threat to act unilaterally on climate change? Looking empty

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Obama Wants to Spend More on Infrastructure. Will Republicans Go Along?

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Apparently President Obama plans to use part of tomorrow’s State of the Union address to talk about new investments in infrastructure: roads, bridges, electrical grid upgrades, etc. Neil Irwin correctly points out that this would make a ton of sense, since lots of construction workers are unemployed and interest rates are essentially negative, but also correctly points out that Republicans don’t care about any of that. Spending is bad, and that’s that. And yet, Irwin is optimistic!

“Anything that is akin to the stimulus bill is not going to be acceptable to the American people,” House Majority Leader Eric Cantor said in September 2011, after Obama proposed a series of job-creation measures centered around new infrastructure.

But a few things have changed since then. First, Republicans have seen electoral damage by their image as an obstruction-at-all-cost party, losing the White House and seats in both houses of Congress in the 2012 elections….Second, the president has been re-elected, so there is no longer the odd dynamic where bipartisan dealmaking could make Obama look more statesmanlike and help his re-election chances.

Much of the Republican opposition to infrastructure spending has been rooted in a conviction that all government spending is a boondoggle, taxing hard-working Americans to give benefits to a favored few, and exceeding any reasonable cost estimate in the process. That’s always a risk with new spending on infrastructure: that instead of the Hoover Dam and the interstate highway system, you end up with the Bridge to Nowhere and the Big Dig.

In that sense, this is a great test of whether divided democracy can work, and whether Republicans can come to the table to govern. One can easily imagine a deal: Democrats get their new infrastructure spending, and Republicans insist on a structure that requires private sector lenders to be co-investors in any projects, deploying money based on its potential return rather than where the political winds are tilting.

In other words, the two sides could negotiate in good faith and, in the process, get a better outcome for the U.S. economy than either party could operating on its own. Now that would be something to see.

This is odd. I’m trying to figure out if there’s any reason, no matter how slight, to think that Republicans have any interest at all in a deal like this. Obviously I’m blinkered by my own partisan biases, but I sure can’t think of any. Am I missing anything here?

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Obama Wants to Spend More on Infrastructure. Will Republicans Go Along?

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Bike bans declared unconstitutional in Colorado, introduced in Missouri

Bike bans declared unconstitutional in Colorado, introduced in Missouri

Bike happy, cyclists, and bike free! The Colorado Supreme Court this week overturned a ban on bikes in the town of Black Hawk, where since June 2010 cycling citizens have been forced to walk their bikes through downtown’s narrow roads or face $68 tickets. From The Denver Post:

Black Hawk’s ban forced cyclists to walk their bikes through the city’s casino-lined streets on the southern end of the famed Peak to Peak Highway, a high-country scenic by-way popular with road cyclists. …

Black Hawk had argued that its home-rule status allowed it to script its own traffic laws. The city said the 2009 state law that required vehicles to give cyclists a 3-foot berth was unmanageable for gambler-toting tour buses and casino delivery trucks navigating Black Hawk’s narrow streets. So the city’s leaders chose to ban bikes. …

The Supreme Court ruled the issue was not just local but impacted state residents. The court noted that municipalities can ban bikes — Denver prohibits pedalers on the 16th Street Mall, as does Boulder on a stretch of Pearl Street — but it must provide alternate routes within 450 feet, as required by state law.

The city’s statement on Monday said it would “look for alternatives” to address safety concerns but would not develop an alternate bike path. “The city has no plans to construct any special accommodations to address this issue.”

I wonder if Missouri State Rep. Rick Brattin (R) reads the Colorado news? Maybe he should! The state legislator is planning to introduce a bill to ban bicycling on at least some state roads. From the Missouri Bicycle and Pedestrian Federation:

Rep. Brattin appeared on local TV news earlier in January, complaining about bicyclists on the newly completed Highway 150, which runs through portions of Kansas City, Grandview, and Lee’s Summit, near the northern edge of Brattin’s district.

Highway 150 is in the Longview Lake area, one of the most popular areas for bicycling in the Kansas City metro area. Numerous individuals and groups large and small hold daily, weekly, monthly, and annual rides in this area. It is a real center of bicycle activity in the metro area. …

Rep. Brattin is now working on creating a bill to ban bicyclists from certain roads in Missouri, based on his belief that bicyclists should not be allowed on roads like Highway 150. … Brattin had a bill drafted to require bicycles to be inspected, registered, and display a special bicycle license plate. There would be special requirements for bicyclists under the age of 16.

However, Rep. Brattin was not happy with this draft and has discarded it — it is not strong enough for his tastes. He indicated that he wants to introduce a bill that will actually ban bicyclists from roads like Highway 150.

Maybe grumpy Brattin just resents all those happy cyclists.

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Bike bans declared unconstitutional in Colorado, introduced in Missouri

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Laws banning ‘dooring’ of bicyclists mean well but don’t do much

Laws banning ‘dooring’ of bicyclists mean well but don’t do much

You’re riding along on your bike, minding your own lane, when suddenly a driver flings open a car door right in front of you. If you’re lucky, you brake in time or swerve out of the way. If you’re not lucky, you could die.

As the Atlantic Cities reports, earlier this week the Virginia state Senate easily passed a bill that makes opening car doors into traffic “unless and until it is reasonably safe to do so” an infraction punishable of a fine up to $100. Not much, but better than nothing, right? Well, not if you’re Virginia House Speaker William Howell (R) or Virginian-Pilot columnist Kerry Dougherty, who called the bill “stupid” and “asinine,” respectively.

According to Cyclelicious, 40 states plus the District of Columbia have anti-dooring laws of some kind. But come on: How many cyclists do you know who have been doored, and how many drivers do you know who have ever gotten in trouble for it?

Designated bike lanes help cyclists avoid the fate of that poor kid, with a 50 percent lower rate of biker injuries than on streets without them. Where lanes are protected and set off from car traffic, there are 90 percent fewer injuries.

Why don’t basic bike lanes provide more protection? Because car-drivers still don’t really give a shit about them. Car-drivers like this Los Angeles cop, for instance:

After watching this video, I kind of feel like these dooring laws are stupid and asinine, too, because clearly they aren’t getting results. I’m down with the League of Courteous Cyclists, but I’m also down with Bike Riders for Car Vengeance.

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Laws banning ‘dooring’ of bicyclists mean well but don’t do much

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Quote of the Day: Being Outvoted is Unfair and Demoralizing

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From Virginia state senator Bill Carrico, explaining why rural voters are unhappy with Virginia’s current method of simply counting up the votes statewide in presidential elections:

The last election, constituents were concerned that it didn’t matter what they did, that more densely populated areas were going to outvote them.

Ah, yes. All of Virginia’s “more densely populated areas” are outvoting them. I wonder who they could possibly be talking about? That’s a real chin scratcher.

And while we’re on the subject, here’s a bonus quote from Michigan representative Pete Lund, explaining why his Electoral College vote-rigging scheme is gaining support this year but didn’t in 2012:

It got no traction last year. There were people convinced Romney was going to win and this might take (electoral) votes from him.

Points for honesty, I guess, but not for IQ. Didn’t anyone tell Lund that you’re supposed to pretend there’s nothing partisan about all these bills, just an honest attempt to represent the will of the people more fairly?

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Quote of the Day: Being Outvoted is Unfair and Demoralizing

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Obama’s Second Inaugural Address: Watch Here

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President Barack Obama delivered his second inaugural address on Monday. You can watch it here:

Check back for analysis from David Corn, Mother Jones‘ DC bureau chief, later today. The full text of the speech, as delivered, is below.

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Obama’s Second Inaugural Address: Watch Here

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Boeing’s efficient Dreamliner planes are especially efficient at battery fires

Boeing’s efficient Dreamliner planes are especially efficient at battery fires

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Boeing’s 787 Dreamliner™©® was meant to be the company’s cap-featherer, a “super-efficient airplane” that hauls hundreds of people for thousands of miles using 20 percent less fuel than older planes of the same size. The company touted its solar-powered factory that produced zero waste, promising to recycle planes once they’d been retired. The plane’s fuselage even eliminates the use of over 40,000 rivets, reducing waste and resource use.

Sometimes, Dreamliners©™ don’t come true. After five incidents in the past two weeks, Europe, Japan, and the United States have grounded all fifty 787s currently in use. While one flight reported problems with its brakes and another had a leaky fuel valve, the problems have centered around the planes’ lithium-ion batteries. Wired explains the importance of those batteries — including how they make the planes less fuel-intensive:

The 787 was first announced ten years ago this month, and has cost Boeing more than $30 billion to develop according to the Seattle Times. Much of that cost lies in the many innovative new technologies the company used to create the most fuel efficient airliner flying today.

Hailed as the airliner of the future, the 787 is mostly built from composite materials and uses an unprecedented amount of electricity to power many of the systems on board the airplane. The Dreamliner is often referred to as the first composite airliner, but it could just as easily called the most electric airliner ever. …
Most of the electricity on the Dreamliner is created by six generators, two on each engine and two on the auxiliary power unit in the tail of the airplane. Traditionally, Boeing airliners used only three. These generators provide electricity for the airplane in a similar way that an alternator provides electricity for your car. Though on the 787, a lot more electricity is generated than in the family truckster.

The Dreamliner’s electrical system generates nearly 1.5 megawatts, enough to power several hundred homes. With such high electric power demands, the 787 needs high power-dense batteries as an emergency backup source. …

Boeing estimates using electrical systems instead of [pneumatic systems] decreases the fuel burn about three percent. Overall, the 787 reduces the fuel burn about 20 percent compared to a similar size aircraft.

In theory, this makes sense. The problem arises when, in practice, the batteries end up looking like this.

NTSB

That’s from the National Transportation Safety Board, which is investigating a battery fire that grounded a 787 Dreamliner™™™™ in Boston. Earlier today, Businessweek looked at some of the reasons the batteries might be catching fire; an investigator in Japan suggested that voltage levels were set improperly.

It will likely be weeks before the cause of the fires is determined — meaning it will be months before 787s start flying again if there’s something that needs to be fixed. Not the rollout that Boeing anticipated, but one that provides an important lesson: If you want to introduce an electricity-dependent, fuel-sipping plane, make sure that the electrical components don’t catch fire and the fuel system doesn’t spring any leaks.

You will note that we at no point made a nightmare joke; you are welcome.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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Post-Election, The Obama Machine Goes to the Dark (Money) Side

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Barack Obama’s 2012 campaign was the most technologically advanced political operation in American history, a techie’s wet dream. The campaign, led by Jim Messina, amassed and distilled vast quantities of voter data, built apps and networks to mobilize voters and enlist volunteers, and practically perfected the science of email fundraising. Post-election, Messina and his lieutenants weren’t about to let their data files, email lists, algorithms, and grassroots machine simply gather dust. Instead, they will soon launch Organizing for Action, a standalone advocacy group created to bolster Obama as he pursues his second-term agenda. Messina wrote in an email to donors and staffers that the new group “will be a supporter-driven organization, as we’ve always been, staying true to our core principles: ‘respect, empower, include.'”

But there’s a rub: Organizing for Action will be formed under section 501(c)(4) of the tax code, and will not be required to disclose its donors. (The Los Angeles Times first reported this.) For context, Karl Rove’s dark-money juggernaut, Crossroads GPS, is a 501(c)(4), as is the Koch-backed national conservative group Americans for Prosperity. The decision to make Organizing for Action a dark-money nonprofit makes sense strategy-wise: as a nonprofit the new group can meet and coordinate with members of the Obama White House, which it couldn’t do as a super-PAC. But the decision flies in the face of Obama and the Democrats’ supposed commitment to transparency.

Obama has pledged to make his administration the most transparent in history. His reelection campaign also took steps to be open to the public, including the admirable move of disclosing all its super-fundraisers, or “bundlers,” each quarter, which it didn’t have to do. (Mitt Romney’s campaign did not name its bundlers.) But going the dark-money route leaves Organizing for America vulnerable to criticism. “It’s the right vehicle from a legal perspective, but it is breathtakingly hypocritical,” says Charles Spies, a Republican lawyer who ran the pro-Romney super-PAC Restore Our Future.

The new group will be used to mobilize Obama supporters around the key issues of Obama’s second term in office. Those issues include battles over raising the debt ceiling, gun control, and immigration reform. Alums of Obama’s 2008 campaign launched a similar post-election effort called Organizing for America, but it had little impact, especially on the defining policy fight of Obama’s first term, health-care reform.

Organizing for Action, the post-2012 project, will accept individual and corporate contributions, according to the Associated Press, but not money from lobbyists or political action committees. (That said, Team Obama has found ways to sidestep earlier restrictions on interacting with lobbyists.) The new group, which will be separate from the Democratic National Committee, claims it will voluntarily disclose its donors even though it is not legally required to do so.

That’s well and goodâ&#128;&#148;if it follows through with the disclosure pledge. But even then, Organizing for Action will be far less transparent than a super-PAC. Super-PACs can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money, but they must disclose all donations and all spending in a timely way. The type of nonprofit Organizing for Action wants to become is not required to disclose its spending in a timely wayâ&#128;&#148;it will detail its spending in IRS filings made available many months after the fact. And it’s unclear how often the group will release the names of its donors. Monthly? Quarterly? Annually?

Organizing for Action could, if it wanted, go above and beyond what the law requires by disclosing its donors and spending in real time. For now, it remains to be seen whether the new group will live up to the president’s transparency promises.

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Post-Election, The Obama Machine Goes to the Dark (Money) Side

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Green groups and ExxonMobil pony up for Obama’s second inauguration

Green groups and ExxonMobil pony up for Obama’s second inauguration

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The Capitol awaits the 2009 inauguration.

On Sunday, Jan. 20, in accordance with the Constitution, Barack Obama will be sworn in for his second term as president. But Sundays aren’t great for parties. So on Monday he’ll do it again, this time in front of a crowd of hundreds of thousands on the west front of the Capitol. It’s a massive logistical orchestration, one that doesn’t come cheap. Therefore, like any modern American enterprise, it’s open for sponsorship. And like anything else in Washington these days, it’s another opportunity for lobbying.

This morning, ExxonMobil announced that it is contributing $250,000 to this “important and historic event.” That sum is one-200th of the total cost of the event — and one-eighth of what the company spent trying to elect Republicans to Congress last year. Nonetheless, it’s greatly appreciated, I’m sure, and America will keep a special ember of affection burning in our hearts for ExxonMobil’s commitment to our republic. (Maybe not an ember. An oil barrel.)

Even though the inauguration is only a few days away, Exxon still got in on the ground floor. The inaugural committee didn’t announce that it would allow corporate sponsors until recently (it didn’t in 2009), and as of Monday, only eight corporations had signed on to sponsor. (One is an affiliate of Southern Energy.) The full, unformatted, hard-to-read list of “benefactors” is available online; if you see anything interesting on it, let us know.

Benefaction isn’t the only outlet for lobbyists hoping to impress folks on Capitol Hill. It’s not even the most common one. No, it’s those inaugural balls that hold that distinction, a rolling calendar of gala events that necessitate formal attire for the privilege of standing around hotel ballrooms eating mediocre food. They are not the galas that one might imagine; rather, they are waystations, appearance-making opportunities that see more foot traffic at the entrances and exits than on the dance floor. But it’s fun and there’s booze, so who can complain.

While there are only two official inaugural balls, there are dozens of others hosted by corporations and lobbying firms. They’re honey pots, hoping to lure administration figures and elected officials into even brief conversation. “Hey, Senator Jones! So glad you made it. At some point we should discuss that massive subsidy to my corporate subsidiary (I’ll schedule a time with your staff) but not tonight! Tonight, we’re here to have fun!” Etc, etc.

This year, two of the balls will be “green,” hosted by environmental and/or clean energy groups. There’s the Green Inaugural Ball, at which will.i.am will perform and — more interestingly! — Bill Nye will appear. (Fashion experts predict he’ll wear a bow tie.) That one, sponsored by environmental organizations and the solar energy lobby, is on the 20th. The next night (an always-rockin’ Tuesday night) is the enticingly named Environmental and Clean Energy Ball. It has speeches and presentations and features entertainment by “The Main Event,” so make of that what you will. It will not likely lure many flies.

On Wednesday, everything settles back down. Crews working Pennsylvania Avenue will tear down the grandstands; by this time next week it will just be Washington as usual. ExxonMobil will be $250,000 poorer, but the company will probably still scrape by. And congressional offices will be swamped with people calling for appointments. Each of those calls will start with, “Well, I ran into Senator Jones at our party and …”

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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Green groups and ExxonMobil pony up for Obama’s second inauguration

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Why Climate Change Legislation Failed — And What to Do About It

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Theda Skocpol has written an immense study of why the 2010 climate bill failed. I haven’t read it yet, but Brad Plumer talked to her yesterday and got the nutshell version: climate hawks had a really bad legislative strategy:

BP: So around 2007, Republicans were becoming more skeptical of climate policy. Yet the main climate strategy in D.C. was to craft a complex cap-and-trade bill amenable to businesses like BP and DuPont in the hopes that those companies would bring in Republican votes.

TS: I think a lot of environmental groups were under the impression that the Republican Party is a creature of business, and that if you can make business allies, you can get Republicans to do something. But I don’t think the Republican Party right now is mainly influenced by business. In the House in particular, ideological groups and grassroots pressure are much more influential. And in the research we’ve done, the two big issues that really revved up primary voters were immigration and the EPA.

BP: So environmental groups weren’t quite ready for Republican resistance. But then why did health care succeed when cap-and-trade failed? What was the difference?

TS: The two groups had slightly different strategies going into 2009. Health care reformers were thinking about how to build support among Democrats while many environmentalists were focused on reaching out to Republicans.

I think everyone agrees that there were lots of reasons that cap-and-trade failed. Still, I’d say the basic reason is the most fundamental one: the votes just weren’t there, and nothing could have changed that. Sure, reaching out to Republicans was probably a doomed strategy, but what choice was there? You need at least a few Republican votes to break a filibuster in the Senate. Likewise, maybe Obama could have handled things better, but what did he have to offer skeptical senators in return for their votes? Not much. Unlike healthcare reform, where you could essentially buy off the opposition, there are big costs to cap-and-trade for certain states and senators simply aren’t going to ignore that.

All this is pretty obvious, but I’d add one more thing: Democrats have been trying to pass some form of national healthcare for nearly a century. They failed half a dozen times before finally passing Obamacare by the skin of their teeth. Deep in their bones, they knew how hard it was to pass something like this; they knew how badly they wanted it; and they knew they wouldn’t get another chance for a very long time. So, finally, after a hundred years, they stuck together just long enough to pass a bill.

Climate change doesn’t have that history. It hasn’t yet been bred into Democratic DNA and it hasn’t yet failed enough times to make it clear to everyone just how hard it is and just what kind of infuriating compromises it takes to finally pass something. The unfortunate truth is that for something this big, you have to fail a few times before you can succeed.

The problem, of course, is that we don’t have time for several decades of failure before finally doing something serious about climate change. This means that the usual legislative process might simply be unworkable as a way of limiting carbon emissions. The climate community may have to get a bit more direct about things if they want to make progress before the planet gets baked to a cinder.

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Why Climate Change Legislation Failed — And What to Do About It

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