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Sorry, Trump: Scottish wind farm is going ahead despite you

Blow it out your ass

Sorry, Trump: Scottish wind farm is going ahead despite you

By on Jul 22, 2016Share

Donald Trump may have gotten the Republican nomination for president, but he isn’t getting his way when it comes to his Scottish golf course.

Swedish company Vattenfall has announced a nearly $350 million investment in an offshore wind farm that Trump tried to prevent from being built, afraid it would mar the view from his luxury golf course. Now the wind farm is expected to go online in 2018.

Trump once compared the project to the 1988 plane bombing over Lockerbie, which killed 270 people. “Wind farms are a disaster for Scotland, like Pan Am 103,” Trump said. “They make people sick with the continuous noise. They’re an abomination and are only sustained with government subsidy. Scotland is in the middle of a revolution against wind farms. People don’t want them near their homes ruining property values.”

The Scottish people, however, have more love for wind farms than for Donald Trump. A 2013 newspaper poll found two-thirds of respondents disagreed with Trump about the wind project, and he hasn’t gained fans since.

“He’s not a popular person in Scotland,” Alex Salmond, a Scottish member of parliament, said last month, “but the way Trump talks you’d think he owned the country.” We know how he feels.

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Sorry, Trump: Scottish wind farm is going ahead despite you

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The GOP has a plagiarism problem and it’s not Melania Trump

The GOP has a plagiarism problem and it’s not Melania Trump

By on Jul 22, 2016Share

One of the biggest headlines out of the Republican National Convention this week was that Melania Trump’s speech plagiarized Michelle Obama’s words from 2008.

Though not as puzzling, or high-profile, as her unexplained gaffe, there’s much more insidious plagiarism that we see every day in politics. Like, for example, Republicans stealing near-exact language from the dirty energy industry. The 2016 Republican platform calls coal “an abundant, clean, affordable, reliable domestic energy resource.” The language is remarkably similar to that of the lobbying group American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity, which describes coal as “an affordable, abundant and increasingly clean domestic energy resource.”

Even when the language isn’t lifted directly, the party often copies ideas from industry and  big donors.

The GOP platform includes a proposal “to shift responsibility for environmental regulation from the federal bureaucracy to the states and to transform the EPA into an independent bipartisan commission, similar to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, with structural safeguards against politicized science.” Politico notes that the idea comes from Pepperdine University Professor Stephen Hayward, who happens to be a fellow at the Koch-funded American Enterprise Institute and treasurer of the Koch’s money-machine Donors Capital Fund.

You also see the same kind of borrowed language when politicians are trying to dodge the issue of climate change.

Last year, Arch Coal handily supplied members of Congress with a memo about how to respond to Pope Francis’ encyclical on climate change, including noting that the encyclical “does not appear to address the tragedy of global energy poverty” and that billions “around the globe are living without electrification and suffering though untold poverty and disease as a result.” Republican politicians echoed these points everywhere. “I think on the whole that much of the effort to reduce global warming actually hurts the poor,” House Science chair Lamar Smith said last year. The idea that coal is the only good way to lift the world’s poor out of energy poverty originally traces back to Peabody Energy, one of the world’s largest coal companies.

Copying ideas is not the same as copying language. But in a way, it’s even more insidious, because it’s so tough to catch politicians in the act — and because pro-coal policies are much more damaging to Americans than encouraging words about hard work and integrity. And to be clear, Democrats lift ideas from special interests and wealthy donors, too. Among Republicans dealing with energy, climate change, and the environment, though, the problem is especially pervasive given the powerful lobbying arm pushing to protect industry profits.

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The GOP has a plagiarism problem and it’s not Melania Trump

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Fox News rejects ads making fun of Fox News

Crazy Like A Fox

Fox News rejects ads making fun of Fox News

By on Jul 16, 2016Share

This summer, the Partnership for Responsible Growth — a bipartisan organization advocating for market-based solutions to climate change — is running a series of ads targeting conservatives. One shows conservatives leaders like George W. Bush, Jeb Bush, Mitt Romney, and John Boehner (remember them?) talking about the need for climate on action.

The ad will air multiple times a day on Fox News in Cleveland and Washington, D.C. during the Republican convention.

What will not run on Fox News, however, is an alternate version of the ad that takes aim at the channel itself. Fox News and other media properties owned by billionaire Rupert Murdoch have a long history of misreporting climate science, to put it lightly: One study found that 93 percent of the network’s representations of climate science were misleading or inaccurate.

The Partnership for Responsible Growth isn’t the only group going after Fox News. Friends of the Earth has their own faux ad too: As a news anchor who looks like she would fit right in behind the Fox News desk reports on a series of extreme weather disasters, water starts to submerge her. “What will it take for Fox News to accept that humans are changing the climate?” the narrator asks as water reaches her chin.

Not this ad, apparently — the network rejected it.

“We want to call out the nefarious role Fox News plays by keeping its audience confused about the climate threat to the country and world,” said Friends of the Earth U.S. President Erich Pica. “Of course Fox News climate distortion is a big part of why Donald Trump and Republican elected officials also deny climate change, to the nation’s physical and economic peril.”

Ignoring climate change may be bad for humanity, but, hey, it sure is good for comedy.

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Sanders endorses Clinton to lead the fight against climate change

heartbern

Sanders endorses Clinton to lead the fight against climate change

By on Jul 12, 2016Share

Bernie Sanders officially threw in the towel on Tuesday in New Hampshire by endorsing Hillary Clinton for president. Hitting on the themes his campaign has stressed throughout the primaries, Sanders laid out what this election is really about. One of his themes has been climate change, which featured heavily in his speech:

This election is about climate change, the greatest environmental crisis facing our planet, and the need to leave this world in a way that is healthy and habitable for our kids and future generations.

Hillary Clinton is listening to the scientists who tell us that if we do not act boldly in the very near future there will be more drought, more floods, more acidification of the oceans, more rising sea levels. She understands that we must work with countries around the world in transforming our energy system away from fossil fuels and into energy efficiency and sustainable energy — and that when we do that we can create a whole lot of good paying jobs.

Donald Trump: Well, like most Republicans, he chooses to reject science — something no presidential candidate should do. He believes that climate change is a hoax. In fact, he wants to expand the use of fossil fuel. That would be a disaster for our country and our planet.

The endorsement rally was kicked off by climate activist (and Grist board member) Bill McKibben. “Secretary Clinton, we wish you Godspeed in the fight that now looms,” McKibben said.

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See how the Sierra Club’s leader is trolling Republicans

See how the Sierra Club’s leader is trolling Republicans

By on Jun 29, 2016Share

The head of the Sierra Club is having some fun trolling the GOP.

The Republican National Committee reportedly can’t find enough willing speakers to fill time at its convention in Cleveland a few weeks away. Politicians like Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Kelly Ayotte (R-N.H.) have refused the spotlight because they think the party’s presidential nominee, Donald Trump, is toxic.

So Michael Brune, executive director of the Sierra Club, emailed RNC chair Reince Priebus on Wednesday and generously offered to step in during the party’s time of need.

“I heard that you are having trouble finding speakers for the Republican National Convention in Cleveland,” Brune writes in his email. “Don’t worry — I’m here to help. I’d be happy to take the stage at the Republican National Convention, and discuss the future of energy policy in this country. Name a time.”

Brune suggests that he’d “be telling much of the crowd exactly what they want to hear,” as 72 percent of Republicans want to see increased use of renewable energy. “Jobs in clean energy production are being rapidly added in Georgia, Texas, and other traditionally red states.”

It’s not the first time that Brune has reached out to Republicans. In May, he penned an open letter to Charles Koch after a Koch spokesperson said he believed that humans were contributing to climate change: “I wanted to write to welcome you into the not-very-exclusive club that includes the strong majority of Americans, 99+% of scientists, nearly all Democratic candidates and a growing number of conservative Republicans, who all believe the same thing. We’re happy to have you!”

He’d be happy to welcome Republican politicians to the fold too, if they’re willing. For now, he’ll just troll them.

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See how the Sierra Club’s leader is trolling Republicans

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Sanders and Clinton teams fight over climate language in Democratic platform

Walking the plank

Sanders and Clinton teams fight over climate language in Democratic platform

By on Jun 28, 2016Share

The Democratic Party’s platform drafting committee has written a stronger climate change section than the platform had in 2012, but it also rejected a series of more ambitious climate and energy amendments on Friday. That’s raised the ire of Bernie Sanders and his appointees to the drafting committee, like climate activist and author Bill McKibben.

The first draft of the platform, voted on by the 15-member drafting committee, is now complete, though it hasn’t been made publicly available. On July 8 and 9, in Orlando, the full 187-member platform committee will meet and debate further changes before approving and sending its draft on to the party convention, to be held in Philadelphia the last week of July.

Sanders slammed Hillary Clinton’s committee appointees for blocking progressive provisions and pledged to continue fighting for changes to the document. “Despite the growing crisis of climate change, [Clinton’s delegates] voted against a tax on carbon, against a ban on fracking,” said Sanders in a statement on Sunday. “We intend to do everything we can to rally support for our amendments in Orlando and if we fail there to take the fight to the floor of the convention in Philadelphia.”

How did the platform become a big deal this time?

Drama over the party platform is atypical. Usually the document is just a quietly produced, platitudinous summation of the presidential nominee’s policy vision. But if Sanders gets some of the changes he’s still pushing for, this year’s platform could look very different from the last one, adopted four years ago under a moderate incumbent president with a mixed record on environmental issues.

Sanders’ campaign is dedicated to pushing American politics leftward, so he and his team have been focused on influencing the platform. After making a stronger-than-expected primary showing, Sanders asked for seven appointments to the 15-person drafting committee. The party gave him five, Clinton got six, and the remaining four were appointed by party chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz. Now that Sanders has lost the fight for the nomination, he and his supporters see the platform as their chief vehicle for having a lasting impact on the party’s direction.

Sanders and Clinton each appointed a climate expert to the drafting committee. Sanders chose McKibben, cofounder of climate action group 350.org (and a member of Grist’s board of directors). Clinton picked Carol Browner, who served as President Obama’s climate czar from 2009 to 2011.

Sanders’ other appointees were all progressives, of course. Clinton and Wasserman Schultz also chose fairly left-leaning slates. In analyzing the appointees, The Nation’s John Nichols concluded that “the drafting committee has a progressive majority.” That led climate hawks to hope that some of the more aggressive proposals from the Sanders’ camp might pass. But that’s not how things have played out so far.

What they agreed on

The drafting committee members did come together on some critical climate-related decisions. The biggest and most important shift from the 2012 platform was dropping the call for “all-of-the-above” energy development, which reflected the priorities of Obama’s first term. The members also unanimously agreed to call for fully switching to clean energy by 2050.

The draft platform echoes the Paris Agreement in aiming to keep global warming below 2 degrees C over pre-industrial levels, with the hope of staying below 1.5 C if possible. It calls for a Department of Justice investigation into fossil fuel companies (read: ExxonMobil) accused of misleading the public about climate science. It backs elimination of fossil fuel subsidies in the tax code and extension of support for renewable energy development, such as the wind production tax credit.

Browner told Grist that the language supporting renewables was written in from the beginning and never even required an amendment. “There was a lot of stuff where there was common ground that was embedded in the conversation,” she said.

And some amendments proposed by McKibben on Friday were passed unanimously, such as a noncontroversial call for more bicycle and pedestrian infrastructure and a statement of opposition to electric utilities’ efforts to quash solar energy. As Browner put it, “The draft has everybody’s fingerprints.”

What they fought over — or, what the Sanders team lost

But while Sanders and progressive climate activists see the current draft platform as a modest step in the right direction, they are far from satisfied. The platform document sets strong big-picture goals for curbing climate change and boosting clean energy, but doesn’t include specific policies that would actually help meet those goals.

“In the draft, everyone agreed that there should be 100 percent clean energy by 2050, but every measure I put forward to actually get us there went down by the same 7-6 vote, with all the Clinton people voting in a bloc against,” said McKibben. Only one non-Sanders appointee, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), who was chosen by Wasserman Schultz, crossed over to vote with the Sanders bloc on the controversial climate change amendments. One committee member was absent, and the chair did not vote.

The half-dozen McKibben amendments that went down to defeat included calls for:

a carbon tax,
a fracking ban,
a ban on fossil fuel extraction on public lands,
elimination of support through international lending institutions for fossil fuel projects abroad,
a declaration that eminent domain should not be used to take private land for fossil fuel infrastructure projects, and
a “climate test” for future domestic energy projects, which would reject ones that contribute to climate change — like the test Obama ultimately used to reject the Keystone XL pipeline.

Only one of those was replaced with compromise language: The Clinton side offered and passed an amendment endorsing a gradual phaseout of fossil fuel extraction on public lands.

Climate Hawks Vote, a political action committee that endorsed Sanders, issued a statement praising the Exxon investigation amendment but also warning, “We’re fighting not just the Republicans, but also the incrementalists within the Democratic Party.”

The Clinton campaign says its reluctance to accept some of McKibben’s amendments reflects legitimate concerns about the policy implications, not mere political calculation. Not all experts agree that a carbon tax is the most effective way to reduce emissions, for example. Mary Nichols of the California Air Resources Board had pointed out in her testimony to the committee a week earlier that a carbon tax does not guarantee emissions reductions, while direct regulation, such as Obama’s Clean Power Plan, does. Clinton supporters rejected a blanket prohibition on lending for foreign fossil fuel development projects on the grounds that the U.S. relationship with any given developing country may have competing priorities, and they opposed the climate test for energy projects because they worried it could prevent necessary projects like transmission lines for electricity that may be partly generated from dirty sources.

There are also obvious political concerns about some of these proposals. A carbon tax, for example, would have no chance of passage in the Republican-controlled House of Representatives, but a call for such a tax would hand Donald Trump a potentially effective new weapon, letting him claim that Democrats want to raise energy prices.

It’s unlikely that Sanders’ supporters will be able to change many platform planks in Orlando or Philly. Essentially, they are calling for Sanders’ platform to become the party’s platform. But Sanders lost the primary race, and it stands to reason that the party platform would reflect the views of the candidate who won.

And that candidate has to consider not just the best climate policies in the abstract, but the ones that will help her win in November. “We’re going be facing a group of climate science deniers in Congress,” says Browner. “So what some of us are looking at is, How do we get a president elected and use the tools of government to continue to make real advances?”

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Charles Koch really wants us all to believe he’s pro-science

Charles Koch really wants us all to believe he’s pro-science

By on Jun 6, 2016Share

Charles Koch isn’t a climate scientist by any stretch of the imagination, but he sure has a lot to say about it.

During the course of a lengthy interview this week with The Washington Post, Charles Koch touched on his views on climate change science, which have fluctuated quite a bit over the years.

What’s more, the petrochemical billionaire, whose foundations funneled more than $70 million to front groups that oppose climate change action, condemned the “climate lobby” while ignoring the work his massive network has done — one that exists in large part because of his own contributions.

In a conversation with The Post’s Jim Tankersley, Koch responded to the recent confusion about exactly what his stance on climate change is:

Yeah, I say that a lot of what is done by the climate lobby is anti-science. But there is some science behind it. Like, there are greenhouse gases, and they do contribute to warming. But if you look at the last, say, 160 years, the first 80 of that period, they went up four-tenths of a degree. And now, the second 80 that CO2 has gone up, what, 30 percent or something, it’s gone up five-tenths of a degree. And there’s been in the last 30 or 40 years, there’s been no real increase in storms or bad weather. So, let’s use the part that’s real science and then apply the Republic of Science to the rest of it.”

Koch referenced the “Republic of Science” 23 times over the interview, according to the Post. That references a theory, by Michael Polanyi, that market economics should govern science, particularly when it comes to funding academic research.

Funding science is one thing, but Koch steers his funds to elevate select conservative voices who advance confusion and anti-climate policies — ones that just happen to help his bottom line.

The interview is worth a read, if you can stomach it.

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