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More Cuts Are Coming to the Private Prison Where Our Reporter Worked as a Guard

Mother Jones

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The Justice Department plans to stop contracting with private companies to run federal prisons, but states are still free to privatize their penal systems. Louisiana has just renewed its contracts with the state’s two privately run prisons, including Winn Correctional Center, the subject of a recent Mother Jones investigation. The agreement means even more cuts at a prison that’s experienced problems with security, health care, and programs for inmates.

Under the new contract, Winn will operate less like a prison and more like a jail, with fewer medical staff and rehabilitative programs, the New Orleans Times-Picayune reports. At the time that reporter Shane Bauer worked there, the medium-security facility was operated by the Corrections Corporation of America, one of the country’s largest private prison companies. It was later taken over by LaSalle Corrections, which also operates facilities in Texas and Georgia.

The Louisiana Department of Corrections also renegotiated its contract this month with Allen Correctional Center, operated by the GEO Group. Like Winn, the prison will now operate more like a jail, the Times-Picayune reports.

The two correctional centers have been facing major budget cuts. Earlier this month, the Louisiana Department of Corrections announced it would only pay private prisons about $25 per inmate per day, down from $32, in a bid to save the cash-strapped state money. As the Times-Picayune reports:

But the conversion to jails means Allen and Winn won’t be providing the same services or be able to take in the same types of inmates as they used to handle. So while the private prisons payment rate was reduced to save the state money, the Department of Corrections will have to absorb many of those cuts at other facilities and elsewhere in its budget. Allen and Winn, for example, will no longer operate cell blocks designed to house offenders that are prone to disciplinary issues and violence.

Inmates with chronic medical conditions and mental health issues also have to be held at another facility. As jails, the private centers will no longer be responsible for providing medical or dental care. Allen will only have a physician at the facility for the equivalent of about 20 percent of a full shift, according to its new state contract…Prisons are also required to have certain rehabilitation and other programming available for inmates. Jails don’t have to have the same programs, so that might be cut from Winn and Allen under the new contracts.

Louisiana Corrections Secretary Jimmy LeBlanc previously criticized the budget cuts, saying they would force layoffs and make prisons “unmanageable.” Mother Jones‘ investigation documented high rates of violence at Winn, including stabbings and use of force by staff.

LaSalle Corrections, which runs Winn, had hinted that a tighter budget would mean a shift to bare-bones operations. “There are going to be big cuts to programming, which I hate,” Billy McConnell, the company’s managing director, told the Advocate. “But we have to be able to pay our bills.”

The Louisiana Department of Corrections gave LaSalle the option to back out of its contract for Winn, but the company decided to stay because it had already invested $2 million into the prison’s operations, the Advocate reported. McConnell told the newspaper that the company had seen significant safety improvements since taking over from CCA, including a decrease in assaults and hospitalizations.

For more about Winn Correctional Center, check out Shane Bauer‘s full story.

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More Cuts Are Coming to the Private Prison Where Our Reporter Worked as a Guard

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#ReplaceTrump? Sorry, Republicans, You’re Stuck With Him.

Mother Jones

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With the Trump campaign in turmoil after a week filled with gaffes, bizarre feuds, and rumors of despondent staff (and it’s only Wednesday!), anti-Trump Republicans have once again begun floating the idea that Donald Trump could be replaced as the GOP nominee.

No. He can’t.

Party insiders might have been able to flex their political muscle to keep Trump from the nomination in the first place, but once the Republican National Convention last month formally nominated Trump, the mechanisms by which they can dump him evaporated—no matter how much anyone wants it to be otherwise. Speculation about the possibility that Trump could be removed began to build this morning after ABC’s John Karl reported that senior GOP officials were discussing how to replace Trump on the ballot should he withdraw from the race.

But that’s just it: Trump would have to drop out. He couldn’t be replaced against his will.

A Republican lawyer who has advised the Republican National Committee in previous election cycles told Mother Jones that there are zero options for the party to remove Trump.

“It seems that some outlets/blogs had some misleading headlines, insinuating that Trump could be ‘replaced,’ but that would be an incorrect assessment of the ABC interview,” the lawyer, who requested that his name not be printed, told Mother Jones in an email. “There’s no process under the Rules of the Republican Party for removing a nominee.”

Another GOP insider, attorney Henry Barbour (the nephew of former RNC chair Haley Barbour), was more succinct when asked to be interviewed about the possibility of the GOP replacing the man it crowned as nominee just two weeks ago.

“This is an absurd question,” he wrote in an email. “Sorry.”

The former RNC lawyer said there is a mechanism by which Trump can be replaced, if he voluntarily drops out. Rule 9 of the party’s internal rules stipulates that if a presidential or vice presidential nominee leaves the ticket, the 168 members of the RNC—not voters or delegates—would select a new nominee.

“This is all very hypothetical, but the key point is that the nominee can’t be ‘replaced,'” the lawyer says. “Rule 9 is only intended for filling a vacancy.”

But time is running out for the party to replace Trump even if he steps aside voluntarily. State deadlines for certifying names on the ballot are fast approaching, meaning that Trump’s name would likely remain on some states’ ballots even if he withdrew from the race. Texas, a must-win state for Republicans if they hope to take the White House, has an August 26 deadline for withdrawing. As the Daily Beast noted Wednesday, next week is the deadline for removing Trump from the ballot in reliably red Arkansas and Oklahoma, and swing state North Carolina needs the candidate’s name to be certified by this Friday, August 5.

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#ReplaceTrump? Sorry, Republicans, You’re Stuck With Him.

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This FBI Tactic May Have Silenced GOP Convention Protesters in Cleveland

Mother Jones

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There has already been more sustained protest activity in Philadelphia on the first day of the Democratic convention than there was during the entire Republican convention in Cleveland last week. Hundreds marched through blistering heat in downtown Philly on Sunday afternoon, and hundreds more marched Monday morning in favor of immigration reform and in support of Bernie Sanders. In Cleveland, despite predictions of greater unrest, no more than a couple of hundred protesters marched at any given time, and only 24 were arrested.

Perhaps the relative quiet in Cleveland was because of the overwhelming police presence there, or because estimates that “thousands” would protest at the Republican National Convention were wildly inflated—or both. But an additional factor could be that before and during the convention, the FBI intervened to make sure that any potential rabble-rousers remained quiet.

In late June, Mother Jones reported that FBI agents had stopped by the homes of several local Black Lives Matter and Occupy Cleveland activists to ask about their plans for the RNC. An FBI spokesperson told a Cleveland newspaper that the agents were conducting “community outreach as part of their security planning.” Activists in other cities who have been prominent in speaking out against police killings of African Americans told the Washington Post that they had been visited as well.

The FBI apparently continued to call upon activists throughout the week of the RNC. Last Wednesday, the Ohio chapter of the National Lawyers Guild released a statement claiming that eight special agents from the FBI, with officers from a metro Cleveland police department, “raided a home without consent or presenting a warrant.” The NLG said the raid appeared to be “part of a series of raids conducted” that morning.

When asked if the FBI activity had possibly quashed protests at the RNC, Jacqueline Green, co-coordinator of the NLG Ohio chapter and a Cleveland area civil rights and criminal defense attorney, replied, “I certainly think it had an effect.” She noted that some reports to the NLG included law enforcement telling people not to go downtown to protest. An FBI spokesperson told Mother Jones that the agency never told participants not to go downtown.

Video has surfaced on YouTube of one of the raids that apparently took place on July 20, showing what appear to be FBI agents, Elyria Police, and Homeland Security investigators entering a home and forcing the occupants outside in their underwear:

“We can get a search warrant for this place if you want to,” one of the law enforcement officers said (at 4:41 in the video). One of the men in the video was Rod Webber, a peace activist who had tried to calm tensions during the more heated debates in downtown Cleveland outside the RNC by offering everybody flowers.

Here’s another view from that same interaction captured on the front porch of the house:

Special Agent Vicki Anderson, a spokeswoman for the FBI’s Cleveland field office, told Mother Jones that the FBI and other agencies were following leads from the previous day that indicated that people in that house were throwing bottles of water and “possible bottles of urine” at law enforcement officials during mild protests in downtown Cleveland. She also said they had shoved and pushed law enforcement agents.

Law enforcement entered the house as part of a “protective sweep,” she said, to make sure everybody in the house was accounted for and that any weapons in the home were secured. At least one of the men in the home said on the video that he had a gun and a concealed-carry permit; Anderson says someone else also had a weapon but “no search was conducted and no arrests were made.”

She added that she didn’t know the number of visits the FBI made to potential protesters before and during the convention and that no group had been targeted, but “numerous individuals from various groups were visited” to “encourage a safe and secure RNC event.” She explained, “We were speaking to numerous groups with the same purpose in mind, maintaining an environment where all can assemble peacefully and exercise their right to free speech.”

Juss, a local activist who preferred not to share her full name, told Mother Jones that she thinks the FBI came to her house because of her past activism around prison reform and the Occupy Cleveland movement. She says she didn’t talk to the agent, who left a business card in her door, but expected the visit and said it seemed like an effort to intimidate activists.

“They visited people who aren’t doing anything” and didn’t pose a threat, she said. “They really don’t know what they’re doing. They’re just wildly stabbing into the dark.”

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This FBI Tactic May Have Silenced GOP Convention Protesters in Cleveland

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The Marines Are Taking the "Man" out of 19 Job Titles

Mother Jones

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The Marine Corps will rename 19 job titles to make them gender neutral, as the military works to integrate women into more combat roles.

The word “man” will be cut from many of the titles and replaced with the word “Marine,” a Marine Corps spokeswoman confirmed to Mother Jones, adding that an official announcement would be made Friday. Jobs like “basic infantryman” will now be called “basic infantry Marine.”

Some names will remain the same, a Marine official told the Marine Corps Times, which first reported the title changes Monday. “Names that were not changed, like rifleman, are steeped in Marine Corps history and ethos,” the official said.

But that hasn’t appeased some male soldiers. “On one hand, the name changes from ‘man’ to ‘person’ or whatever they want to call it doesn’t really matter. They could call mortarmen bakers for all I care,” Marine rifleman Sgt. Geoff Heath told the Washington Post. “But on the other, it’s a direct reflection on society’s crybaby political correctness.”

The title changes come after the Pentagon last year announced that the military would open all its combat jobs, including in special operations, to women for the first time. Of all the services, the Marine Corps has been the most resistant to integration, releasing a study that found all-male units performed better than mixed-gender units. But Defense Secretary Ash Carter said the study was “not definitive,” and in January this year Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus told the Marine Corps and Navy to review its job titles and descriptions.

Other military branches may not make similar changes. The Air Force and Army do not plan to revise their gender-specific job titles, officials from both branches confirmed to Mother Jones. “It is important to note the suffix ‘man’ itself is really derived from the word ‘human,'” Army spokesman Wayne V. Hall said. “This is why you still see the Air Force use ‘airman’ for all their personnel, or ‘policeman’ or ‘Congressman’ and even ‘woman.'”

Here’s a list of the Marine Corps title changes, via Stars and Stripes.

Old
New
Basic infantryman
Basic infantry Marine
Riverine assault craft crewman
Riverine assault craft Marine
Light-armor vehicle crewman
Light-armor vehicle Marine
Reconnaissance man
Reconnaissance Marine (to include three other recon-related jobs that include the word “man”)
Infantry assaultman
Infantry assault Marine
Basic field artillery man

Basic field artillery Marine

Field artillery fire control man
Field artillery fire control Marine
Field artillery sensor support man
Field artillery sensor support Marine
Fire support Marine
Fire support Marine
Basic engineer, construction and equipment man
Basic engineer, construction and equipment Marine
Basic tank and assault amphibious vehicle crewman
Basic tank and assault amphibious vehicle Marine
M1A1 tank crewman
Armor Marine
Amphibious assault vehicle crewman
Amphibious assault vehicle Marine
Amphibious combat vehicle crewman
Amphibious combat vehicle Marine
Antitank missileman
Antitank missile gunner
Field artillery operations man
Field artillery operations chief

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The Marines Are Taking the "Man" out of 19 Job Titles

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Why San Francisco’s Journalists Are Investigating Homelessness

Mother Jones

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This Wednesday, June 29, Mother Jones will join dozens of Bay Area news and media organizations to begin publishing and airing an ongoing series of stories on homelessness in San Francisco. This push is part of the SF Homeless Project, a recently launched effort whose goals are detailed in the open letter below. Stay tuned as we explore the state of homelessness in our city, as well as its history, causes, and potential solutions.

To the city and people of San Francisco:

Like you, we are frustrated, confused, and dismayed by the seemingly intractable problem of homelessness in our city. Like you, we want answers—and change.

We see the misery around us—the 6,600 or more people who live on the streets of San Francisco—and we sense it is worsening. We feel for the people who live in doorways and under freeways, and for the countless others who teeter on the edge of eviction. We empathize with the EMTs, the nurses and doctors, the social workers, and the police. They are on the front lines of this ongoing human catastrophe.

Numerous noble, well-intentioned efforts by both public and private entities have surfaced over the decades, yet the problem persists. It is a situation that would disgrace the government of any city. But in the technological and progressive capital of the nation, it is unconscionable.

So beginning today, more than 70 media organizations are taking the unprecedented step of working together to focus attention on this crucial issue.

We will pool our resources—reporting, data analysis, photojournalism, video, websites—and starting Wednesday, June 29, will publish, broadcast, and share a series of stories across all of our outlets. We intend to explore possible solutions, their costs, and viability.

Though this is a united effort, we do not claim to speak with one voice. There are many lenses through which the issue of homelessness can be viewed. However, we do not intend to let a desire for the perfect solution become the enemy of the good. We want to inspire and incite each other as much as we want to prod city and civic leaders.

Fundamentally, we are driven by the desire to stop calling what we see on our streets the new normal. Frustration and resignation are not a healthy psyche for a city.

Our aim is to provide you with the necessary information and potential options to put San Francisco on a better path. Then it will be up to all of us—citizens, activists, public and private agencies, politicians—to work together to get there.

Signed,

The SF Homeless Project

@bayareahomeless | facebook.com/sfhomelessproject

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Why San Francisco’s Journalists Are Investigating Homelessness

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Watch: What It’s Like to Earn $9 an Hour as a Prison Guard

Mother Jones

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In December 2014, Mother Jones senior reporter Shane Bauer started a job as a corrections officer at a Louisiana prison run by the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), the country’s second-largest private prison company. During his four months on the job, Bauer would witness stabbings, an escape, lockdowns, and an intervention by the state Department of Corrections as the company struggled to maintain control. Read Bauer’s gripping firsthand account here.

Bauer’s investigation is also the subject of a six-part video series produced by Mother Jones senior digital editor James West. In the second episode, Bauer learns about an escape finds out that a guard’s $9 an hour wage doesn’t stretch very far.

Also: Watch episode one.

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Watch: What It’s Like to Earn $9 an Hour as a Prison Guard

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Watch: What It’s Like to Become a Guard at a Private Prison

Mother Jones

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In December 2014, Mother Jones senior reporter Shane Bauer started a job as a corrections officer at a Louisiana prison run by the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), the country’s second-largest private prison company. During his four months on the job, Bauer would witness stabbings, an escape, lockdowns, and an intervention by the state Department of Corrections as the company struggled to maintain control. Read Bauer’s gripping firsthand account here.

Bauer’s investigation is also the subject of a six-part video series produced by Mother Jones senior digital editor James West. In the first episode, Bauer gets a job with CCA and begins four weeks of training at Winn Correctional Center, which one former guard describes as “hell in a can.” Bauer also explores why a dangerous job that pays $9 an hour is attractive in an area with few employment options.

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Watch: What It’s Like to Become a Guard at a Private Prison

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Powerful Photos From One of Texas’ Most Historic Black Communities

Mother Jones

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Johnny Jones
Whether singing in a choir or playing keyboards on stage Saturday nights, music is been Jones’ passion. He spent his career working on the railroad tracks that run through Tamina. Now retired, Jones devotes his time to singing and recording Gospel music.

When photographer Marti Corn moved to The Woodlands, Texas, in 1996, she found herself living next to the subject of what would become her first book: the town of Tamina.

“Literally across the tracks” from The Woodlands, as Corn says, Tamina is a small community just north of Houston. Founded in 1871 by freed slaves, Tamina (originally known as Tammany) flourished for decades, benefiting from the logging industry and a railroad that ran from Houston to Conroe. It’s the oldest freedman town in Texas and one of the last emancipation communities of its kind left in the country; descendants of the original freed-slave founders still live in town.

But in the 1960s and ’70s, affluent suburbs like Shenandoah, Chateau Woods, Oak Ridge, and The Woodlands grew, pushing up against poorer, rural Tamina . This juxtaposition is what drew Corn to Tamina. As she met its residents, she thought she could help create awareness of the town and its history through her photography. “At the very least,” Corn says, “I could gift those who live in Tamina with a book of portraits and their stories so their descendants would know where they came from.”

Consider Corn’s mission accomplished. Her book, The Ground on Which I Stand (published by Texas A&M University as part of its Sam Rayburn Series on Rural Life), is a nuanced portrait of the town, filled out by archival family photos and a history of the town

The book compiles oral histories of 15 families, from those whose trace their lineage in Tamina for seven generations to relative newcomers. Resilience and pride in Tamina are common threads throughout the book, tying together family stories into a wonderful tribute.

As Annette Hardin, one of the descendants of the founding families, told Corn, “The value developers place on our land is vastly different than ours. What they don’t understand is that it’s not just our property—it’s our legacy. The land represents the blood, heart, and soul of our African American heritage.”

Live Oak
This emancipation town’s landscape has a unique pastoral charm. Eighty-year-old live oaks shade houses built years ago. Horses can be found along most streets behind the wooden fences or tethered to a tree.

Molly
“The prejudice we have felt might be one of the reasons we are such a close community.”

Lonnie

Horse and Trailer
This is a community that is at risk of gentrification as real estate values escalate and surrounding cities eye Tamina land for development.

Bubba

Joe
“Five-fifty a week, that’s what we made cuttin’ wood. We’d cut four cords a day to make that dollar. Times sure could be real hard, and we had many hungry days.”

Ruth
Faith plays an important role in Tamina. There are five churches, many of which line the railroad tracks.

Sweet Rest Cemetery
Many headstones at Tamina’s Sweet Rest Cemetery are hand-made with names either painted onto crosses or etched into concrete markers. The cemetery floods every time there is a heavy rain, causing headstones to sink into the ground.

Jada
Tamina has the opportunity to send its children to some of the best schools in the country, thanks to the growth of surrounding cities. But that growth also puts the town at risk of gentrification.

The Ground on Which I Stand: Tamina, a Freedman’s Town
Sam Rayburn Series on Rural Life, sponsored by Texas A&M University-Commerce

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Powerful Photos From One of Texas’ Most Historic Black Communities

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Shane Bauer Talks About His Four Months Working in a Private Prison

Mother Jones

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In December 2014, Mother Jones senior reporter Shane Bauer started work as a corrections officer at a Louisiana prison run by the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), the country’s second largest private-prison company. Here, he talks about what he saw during his four months on the job and what it taught him about life inside a for-profit prison. Read his full story here.

Mother Jones: How did you get the idea for this project?

Shane Bauer: The first time I thought about it was while talking to another reporter about writing about prisons. We were talking about Ted Conover’s Newjack, about his experience working as a guard at Sing Sing. I thought, “I should try that at a private prison.” There isn’t a lot of reporting on private prisons because they are not subject to the same public records laws as publicly run prisons and it’s pretty hard for journalists to get inside them. They’re a corner of the American prison system that we don’t know a lot about.

Why Mother Jones sent a reporter to work as a private prison guard

MJ: You got a job as a guard at the Corrections Corporation of America’s Winn Correctional Center in Louisiana. How hard was it to get the position?

SB: Not hard. I filled out an application online. I filled it out honestly with my real information. There was a list of prisons around the country that they needed people for. I clicked a handful of them, and within a couple weeks I was doing phone interviews and getting job offers. One reason I picked Winn was because it was in Louisiana. Louisiana has more prisoners per capita than anywhere in the world. It seemed like killing two birds with one stone, getting inside a Louisiana prison and a CCA prison. Winn was also the oldest medium-security private prison in the country.

MJ: When you got to Winn, what was your training like?

SB: I went through four weeks of training. We did some physical training, very little, and watched some videos. We were tear-gassed. Generally, somebody would get in front of the class and read from a book on policies like the use of force. A lot of it was spent sitting in the classroom doing nothing because there often weren’t teachers. There were whole days where the cadets would just sit and talk to each other. Maybe we’d have an hour or two of training. I really began learning the job once I started work.

MJ: You were assigned to a unit called Ash. What was your job there?

SB: Ash was a unit of eight dorms. Each dorm had up to 44 men in beds lined up right next to each other in one giant room. The inmates would go out to eat, and sometimes they would go out to a small yard for recreation. But most of the prisoners were in there almost the whole day. So there was a lot tension. A lot of people were frustrated at being stuck in there all day. I was a floor guard. It was just me and one other guard managing these 350 prisoners.

MJ: Shortly after you got to Winn, one prisoner told you that “Inmates run this bitch.” What did he mean by that?

SB: I think he meant that the prison administration didn’t have control over the prison. He and other inmates talked about the way Winn was run like it was a joke. I would ask prisoners who’d been to public state prisons how it compared and they would commonly say there’s was no structure there compared to other places.

MJ: What kinds of things did guards do to get by and make the best of the situation?

SB: Guards would rely on inmates to fill in the gaps since there weren’t enough guards to do all the things that we needed to do. Sometimes inmates would stand outside of a unit and warn us if higher-ups were coming. There was one corrections counselor who had a couple of inmates that she would use as bodyguards because she worked in an office where there weren’t security cameras. Sometimes we had to give out call-out passes—passes for prisoners to go places like school or the gym—and a lot times we would just give them to a prisoner to hand out.

MJ: How did Winn handle medical care and mental health care for prisoners?

SB: Prisoners regularly complained about medical care at Winn. I met a prisoner who had no legs and no fingers. He had lost them within the past year to gangrene. His medical records showed that he had made at least nine requests to see a doctor in that time. He would go to the infirmary and get sent back; the staff was suggesting that he was faking it. He said he showed the warden his feet, which were turning black and dripping with pus. But CCA had to pay to take a prisoner to the hospital, which costs a lot of money, especially when you consider it made $34 a day for each prisoner.

There was one full-time social worker for 1,500 inmates at Winn, and a part-time psychiatrist and part-time psychologist. The social worker said they typically would get to see any given inmate once a month. Another option available for prisoners with serious problems was suicide watch. If a prisoner said he was suicidal, he would get put on suicide watch, which essentially is a solitary cell.

MJ: Toward the end of your time at Winn, the state Department of Corrections (DOC) stepped in and temporarily took over the prison. Why’d that happen and how did things change when the state came in?

SB: Right about when I started working there, a prisoner escaped. Then there were a lot of stabbings and the state started paying attention to what was happening at Winn. Then there was another rash of stabbings. Some buses showed up one day with guards and wardens from public prisons around Louisiana, and they took over. The message seemed to be, “We’re gonna need to show you how to run this prison.” Everything felt different when they were there. The prisoners reacted really differently to them. Normally there was a constant testing of boundaries with the guards, but when these DOC guards came in, they’d say something and everyone did it.

MJ: Why did you quit your job as a guard?

SB: I had recently been offered a promotion. Shortly after that, my colleague James West came down to shoot some video for the story. One night he was filming the prison and he was spotted by a guard. A checkpoint was set up and he was arrested. When he got out about 24 hours later, we packed up and took off right away, and a few days later I called in and resigned.

MJ: After you left, you obtained some documents from the DOC that mentioned the concerns they had asked CCA to address at Winn. Did those echo what you had seen there?

SB: Yeah. The DOC outlined many things that I saw and wrote about—about there not being enough staff, either security staff or medical staff. There were also some things that surprised me: The state said CCA had charged inmates for state-supplied toilet paper and toothpaste and even charged them to use toenail clippers.

MJ: What happened at Winn after you left?

SB: A few weeks after I left, CCA said it would be giving up its contract for Winn. Then it was taken over by another company called LaSalle Corrections. A lot of the same prisoners and staff are still there.

MJ: A big part of your story is how being a prison guard affected you. What did your experience teach you about what it’s like to be a corrections officer?

SB: Even though I went there as a journalist and my main intention was to report on the prison, I got swept up in the mentality of being a guard. I felt in danger a lot of the time, so I was constantly trying to figure out how to manage prisoners. At first I tried to be on good terms with them. Later, I tried to show them they couldn’t push me around. I quickly felt like I was hardening.

As far as what it taught me about being a guard, it’s hard to generalize because you have guards in places like California who are unionized and make a lot more money and have more power in their facilities. Winn was the other extreme, where guards were making nine bucks an hour and didn’t have anything but a radio to protect themselves or break up fights. From what I experienced, it was a pretty crazy job, especially if you’re living off of $9 an hour.

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These Hilarious Lesbian Haikus Poke Fun at Sex and Stereotypes

Mother Jones

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Anna Pulley started out as a reviewer of sex toys. Now she counsels queer women on the subtle art of dating other women in her columns at the Chicago Tribune’s RedEye and AfterEllen. She has written about everything from her affair with a married woman to the time she went home with a guy who was turned on by the Bible. Now she’s channeled all that experience into her debut book, The Lesbian Sex Haiku Book (With Cats!)a compilation of short, sexy, satirical poems on everything from signs you might be a queer girl (“If you’ve gone out a / dozen times and still don’t know / if you’re dating her”) and every lesbian film ever made (“Girl has horrible / traumatic past, present, and / future. Then she dies”) to approved lesbian dirty talk (“I don’t care if it / takes hours, tell me about your / doctoral thesis”). Bonus: The book is peppered with drawings of cats “in various stages of lesbian anxiety,” illustrated by artist (and Pulley’s girlfriend) Kelsey Beyer.

Pulley, a former Mother Jones social-media fellow, recently sat down to talk about lesbian relationships and why we should make fun of sex more often.

Mother Jones: You say The Lesbian Sex Haiku Book is about “demystifying” lesbian sex. Why do you think lesbian sex and culture need to be demystified?

Anna Pulley: I write a lesbian advice column for AfterEllen called “The Hookup,” and I get questions every week from queer women, specifically women who are afraid to ask other women out and women who are falling for straight women. As I was writing this book and struggling with my own dating faux pas and horror stories, it just started to seem very funny to me. Lesbians don’t have a lot of guidance when it comes to dating and sex. We’re sort of in the dark about this. We don’t have the same sort of roles that straight couples do, so we’re often just sort of making it up. It often leads to inaction because we’re not socialized to be aggressive and ask people out or even to initiate sex.

MJ: When you were young, where did you get your advice about lesbian sex and relationships?

AP: I learned the hard way, which I recommend as a strategy when you’re in your early 20s. That’s when you can make lots of mistakes and no one judges you for it. But also, I read a lot of books, and that really helped me. Audre Lorde’s Zami: A New Spelling of My Name was a big influence for me. The things she had to deal with are so different from the things we have to deal with now. She has the double whammy of being racially oppressed as well as sexually oppressed. I even read the joke books, like So You Want to Be A Lesbian. It’s a very dated book now, but I read that because I wanted to learn everything I could about lesbian culture. For me, the only way I understand the world is through writing and reading, and so that was sort of my strategy—as well as falling in love with a lot of married women and straight women, which I still kind of do.

Anna Pulley (right) and Kelsey Beyer (left) Courtesy of Anna Pulley

MJ: Why do you think humor is so important when we’re talking about sex?

AP: It’s important because we live in this very sex-negative culture, so it’s hard for us to talk about sex in general. I also think sex is just really funny. I was talking to someone recently, and we were swooning over Rachel Maddow, and we were just like, “Gosh, who else eroticizes someone’s glasses? Or who eroticizes someone’s politics in the way that queer women do?” I love that we can be turned on by Greenpeace. Which is also something I noticed when I was looking at Craigslist women-for-women ads. It’s hysterical. I’m looking for sex and someone is like, “Come to this Save the Whales rally. Maybe we can have sex afterward.” Those are the reasons why lesbian sex in particular lends itself to this kind of humorous take.

MJ: A lot of your haikus sound like jokes my friends would make with each other. For someone who’s just sorting out their sexual identity, I imagine they could feel like a friendly introduction into the lesbian community.

AP: That’s definitely something I was striving for. I want people to feel like they belong to this community, even if it’s weird and fractured. I wanted people to feel like here’s something you can read and feel a little bit less alone in the world. I’ve always struggled with finding that sense of community, which is weird because I lived in San Francisco and now Oakland, and there are queer people everywhere!

“It’s like straight sex, but / afterward we ask ourselves, / ‘We just had sex, right?'” Kesley Beyer

MJ: You do a lot of playing around with stereotypes of lesbians in the book. What stereotype do you find most frustrating?

AP: Probably the most prevalent one is the U-Haul—that we get together and we move in after two minutes of dating. But I also think that’s the one that really affects us the least. Like no one’s going to be thrown in jail or something because they move in with their partners too early. The ones that bother me are the ones that are the products of straight male fantasies—the idea that bisexual women must love threesomes. That’s a male fantasy, and that’s something that we’ve always sort of struggled against. So I ask myself, “What’s driving this stereotype and is there anything we can do to make fun of it?”

MJ: This kind of book is very much written by lesbians, for lesbians. I imagine it would be hard to get a publisher.

AP: My editor was great. She was straight, however. I did have to explain quite a few things to her, which was sort of fun. She was like, “Why do you keep making fun of Larry King?” And I was like, “Oh, he hates bisexuals.” He doesn’t actually hate them. He just gave this really damning interview. So we had those little teachable moments. But they were never like, “Oh, I don’t think you should put this in the book.” They were like, “Help us understand so that we can be in on the joke too.”

“We don’t have sex; we / just pet each other until / a man comes along.” Kelsey Beyer

MJ: What was your favorite haiku?

AP: My favorite is in the chapter “How Lesbian Sex Works”: “Picture foreplay that / lasts longer than four minutes. / Now add some crying.”

MJ: This whole project was the product of a nasty breakup, which unfortunately happened at the same time that your father was diagnosed with cancer. Can you tell me a little more about what that time was like for you?

AP: It was very unexpected. I certainly did not think that anything would come from this really grueling period in my life. But it taught me that I wasn’t screwed. It was something that I could work through. And a haiku was really great for that because obviously it doesn’t require that much of an emotional commitment. It’s three short lines. And it allowed me to be creative in this way that I felt like I couldn’t. My fiancée dumped me, my dad got lung cancer, I was not doing well financially, and so I felt like I had to crawl my way out of this hole very incrementally. It ended up being such a surprise and such a delight that this turned into this book that of course has nothing to do with cancer and nothing to do with horrible topics.

MJ: Your haikus sound so conversational. It’s easy to assume they just popped into your head.

AP: It was hard at first. I had never really written haikus until I started carrying on a relationship with this married woman who lived across the country. She and I would write romantic haikus to each other, and we ended up writing hundreds of them. Now I can write them pretty swiftly. I’m doing a haiku battle tonight, actually. Writing is so agonizing. It’s kind of nice to not have to stress about the perfect construction of your sentence. To be able to convey so much meaning in this tiny fragment of a sentence, it’s freeing, paradoxically.

MJ: Kelsey’s drawings so perfectly capture sexual awkwardness. What was it like working with her on this project?

AP: It was fantastic. Originally, Wendy MacNaughton was going to do illustrations for the book, and she got too busy and famous. So I was like, “No! What am I going to do?” And miraculously, I was dating this really talented artist. And she was so willing and creative and brilliant. She threw in all these little puns and Easter eggs into her drawings that if you just sort of flipped past, you’d miss.

“Lesbian sex is / like water polo—no one / really knows the rules.” Kesley Beyer

MJ: In the beginning of the book, you stipulate that you’re not trying to capture every shade of lesbian culture and every sexual identity. Of course, it’s impossible to include everyone, so what do you think are the book’s biggest blind spots?

AP: That was something that I was really struggling with. I wanted to include a chapter on trans women specifically, but that’s not really my place. If I was trying to speak for a group that I didn’t have any cred with, I’d get it wrong and that would just cause a lot of anger and angst. So I ultimately decided to just fold everyone into the fray, but of course I still have blind spots. I’m a white person. I’m half Native American, but no one knows that because I look white. I live in this bubble where a lot of queer acceptance—at least at the surface—is readily available to me. So yeah, I did try to be conscious of that but at the same time, I was like, “Dang, I can’t speak for everyone.”

MJ: What tidbits of wisdom from your book do you wish you had known when you were a teenager?

AP: If you really like someone, you have to tell her. You have to ask her out, because you’re going to regret it probably for the next several years if you say nothing. I’d also say to find community. Don’t try to do this alone. Things have changed a lot. It’s a lot better. But we still need people like us who we can talk to and joke to and sort of have a family with, because a lot of times, our families aren’t supportive. I hope that’s changing as well, but in the meantime, making your own family is something that is very important to developing a sense of self that’s positive and happy, which can be hard for queer people.

And no one knows what they’re doing when it comes to sex, so don’t freak out about that. No one’s like, “Yes, I’m a sexual pro and I know where to touch” or whatever. But I feel like we struggle a lot with this because, again, we don’t have a script. But don’t second-guess yourself. Be experimental and be open and be curious about sex. And use lube.

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These Hilarious Lesbian Haikus Poke Fun at Sex and Stereotypes

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