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My Kinda Sorta Non-Review of Thomas Piketty’s “Capital in the 21st Century”

Mother Jones

I’m having a hard time finishing Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the 21st Century. Is this because it’s a long, dense tome? Not really, though that doesn’t help. Is it because he has nothing interesting to say? Not at all. Capital presents a very provocative thesis. Nevertheless, I started it once, put it down, finally picked it up again, and still haven’t finished it.

So what’s the problem? It’s pretty simple: Piketty’s provocative thesis is extremely elementary and he makes it right in the introduction. Here it is in a nutshell:

Over the long run, ordinary labor income grows at about the same rate as the broader economy. That’s about 2-3 percent per year these days. Capital, however, tends to produce real returns of 4-5 percent. This means that over the course of, say, 50 years, labor income will increase about 3x while capital stocks will increase about 9x. That in turn means that income from capital will also increase 9x. And since rich people have by far the bulk of all capital income, income inequality inevitably grows forever unless something stops it.

The shorthand for this is r > g. That is, r (the return on capital) is historically greater than g (economic growth), which means that rich people with capital will always see their incomes grow faster than ordinary wage slaves. The rest of the book is a lengthy succession of charts and tables demonstrating that, historically, r really is greater than g. Since I was pretty easily persuaded of this, I had a hard time slogging through all the details.

In any case, the historical data isn’t really why anyone other than specialists cares about this book. After all, the world has been ticking along for centuries, and somehow the rich have not, in fact, accumulated 99.9 percent of the world’s income despite more than a thousand years of r being greater than g. Why? The simple answer, I gather, is war. This is the great leveler. The rich get richer for a while, but then they lose it all during periods of war, and the cycle starts all over. That’s what happened in the 20th century: The rich were obscenely wealthy early on, and then came World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II. That wiped out lots of wealth, and the postwar rebuilding era was one of those rare eras when r was actually greater than g. (See chart on right.) So labor did relatively well for a few decades. This ended in the 80s, when the old historical pattern reasserted itself.

This brings us to the question we really care about: Now that we’ve reverted to a more ordinary r > g world, will this continue? I started skipping through the book to find Piketty’s answer, and I was disappointed at what I found. After some preliminary throat clearing to get clear on some details (the nature of private savings, what components should be counted in capital accounts, etc.), we get….nothing.

Basically, Piketty says that historically r has been greater than g, and there’s no reason to think this won’t be true in the future. That’s really about it. Oh, he addresses some technical issues, like the fact that a glut of capital should reduce the return on capital, but basically that’s his argument. In the past r has almost always been greater than g, and we’d be foolish to think that’s likely to change.

Don’t get me wrong: Piketty may be right. Hell, he probably is right. But while the details are of keen interest to specialists and practitioners, the gist of his argument is simply that the future will probably look like the past. That’s certainly plausible, but I’m frankly having a hard time plowing through a ton of background material in support of such a simple thesis.

I’m not sure why I’m fessing up to all this. I’m really doing nothing except admitting that I’m not sure what everyone else sees that I don’t. As a data-gathering exercise, this book is unquestionably a tour de force, and I’m truly not trying to slight Piketty’s seminal achievement here. But as a layman’s guide to the future (and it’s explicitly written for a lay audience), Capital has little to say except that current trends will probably continue. It might be unreasonable to expect more, since obviously no one can predict the future, but I guess I expected more anyway. Is r > g really a monocausal explanation for the evolution of the entire world economy? Is it possible that r might decline for structural reasons in the future? Or that g might increase thanks to automation? Or that other factors might come into play? That seems at least worth addressing in some depth.

In any case, this is Piketty’s story. Capital grows faster than labor income. Rich people have most of the capital. Therefore rich people get richer faster than ordinary wage earners and income inequality inexorably rises. If we don’t like that, we’ll have to do something about it. Piketty thinks the only answer is a global wealth tax, which he admits is a political nonstarter. Dean Baker has some other ideas here. Or maybe war will once again take care of things. Or maybe the rise of smart robots will make things even worse than Piketty ever imagined. I guess we’ll all know in another 50 years or so.

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My Kinda Sorta Non-Review of Thomas Piketty’s “Capital in the 21st Century”

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In Defense of "Flash Boys"

Mother Jones

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Felix Salmon reviews Michael Lewis’s Flash Boys today, and he’s not impressed. I think Salmon’s basic criticism is on point: the big problem with high-frequency trading isn’t that small investors get ripped off, it’s that the system is so complex that literally no one really understands how it works or what kind of danger it poses:

By far the biggest risk posed by the HFT industry, for instance, is the risk of the kind of event we saw during the flash crash, only much, much worse. The stock market is an insanely complex system, which can fail in unpredictable and catastrophic ways; the HFT industry only serves to make it much more brittle and perilous than it already was. But in Lewis’ book-length treatment of HFT, he barely mentions this risk: I found just one en passant mention of “the instability introduced into the system when its primary goal is no longer stability but speed,” on Page 265, but no elaboration of that idea.

HFT cheerleaders like to brag that their algorithms increase liquidity. And that’s probably true. The problem is that HFTs don’t guarantee liquidity. In fact, it’s far worse than that: they displace other sources of liquidity during normal times, but there’s a good chance that during a crisis, at precisely the moment when liquidity is most important, HFT traders could suddenly and systematically exit the market because events have outrun the parameters of their algorithms. This could easily spiral out of control, turning a bad situation into a catastrophe.

Is this a real threat? Nobody knows. And that’s the problem. HFT is so complex that literally no one knows how it works or how it will react in a crisis. This is not a recipe for financial stability.

Unfortunately, that doesn’t make for a very entertaining book, so Lewis instead focuses on the ability of HFT shops to “front run” orders in the stock market—that is, to see bids a few milliseconds before anyone else simply by virtue of having computers that are physically closer to a stock exchange than their competitors. An HFT algorithm can then execute its own order already knowing the direction the price of the stock is likely to go. But even though this isn’t the biggest problem with HFT, I do think Salmon is a little too dismissive of it. Here he is on the subject of Rich Gates, a mutual fund manager who discovered he was being front run

Gates “devised a test,” writes Lewis, to see whether he was “getting ripped off by some unseen predator.”….Gates “was dutifully shocked” when he discovered the results of his test: He ended up buying the stock at $100.05, selling it at $100.01, and losing 4 cents per share. “This,” he thought, “obviously is not right.”

Lewis does have a point here: It’s not right….In Gates’ mind, what he saw was the 35,000 customers of his mutual fund being “exposed to predation” in the stock market. Between them, those customers had lost $40: 4 cents per share, times 1,000 shares. Which means they had lost roughly a tenth of a cent apiece, buying and selling $100,000 of Chipotle Mexican Grill within the space of a few seconds.

But there’s always going to be a nonzero “round-trip cost” to buying $100,000 of a stock and then selling it a few seconds later….But still, $40 for two $100,000 trades is hardly a rip-off. Especially when you consider the money that Gates himself is charging his 35,000 mom-and-pop customers.

When Gates was running his experiments, his flagship fund, the TFS Market Neutral Fund, had an expense ratio of 2.41 percent: For every, say, $100,000 you had invested in the fund, you would pay Gates and his colleagues a fee of $2,410 per year. That helps puts the tenth of a cent you might lose on Gates’ Chipotle test into a certain amount of perspective. TFS trades frequently, but even so, any profits that HFT algos might be making off its trades are surely a tiny fraction of the fees that TFS charges its own investors.

MORE: Is High-Speed Trading the Next Wall Street Disaster?

That’s true. But the whole point of HFT has always been to skim tiny percentages from a large number of trades. Nobody has ever suggested that individual traders are losing huge amounts of money to HFT shops. Nevertheless, that’s no reason to downplay it. In fact, that’s one of the things that makes HFT so insidious: it’s yet another way for Wall Street players to game the system in a way that’s so subtle it’s hardly noticeable. This is the kind of thing that permeates Wall Street, and I think Lewis is correct to aim a spotlight at it.

There are plenty of reasons to be very, very wary of HFT. I wish Lewis had at least spent a few pages on the potential instability issues, but let’s face facts. Front running is a perfectly legitimate problem to focus on, and it’s likely to generate a lot more public outrage than a dense abstract about the possibility of robots causing a financial crash sometime in the dim future. So if you’re the rare person who can attract a lot of attention to a legitimate financial danger, it makes sense to write a book that concentrates its fire on the most accessible aspect of that danger. That’s what Lewis chose to do, and I don’t really have a problem with that.

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In Defense of "Flash Boys"

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Cool job posting: Earn $20 pretending to hate wind energy

Cool job posting: Earn $20 pretending to hate wind energy

Important job opportunity, everyone. From Craigslist:

Our firm needs 100 volunteers to attend and participate in a rally in front of the British Consulate/Embassy in Midtown Manhattan on the East Side on Wednesday, January 30, 2013 at 12 noon. The event is being held in order to protest wind turbines that are being built in Scotland and England. Your participation will be to ONLY stand next to or behind the speakers and elected officials/celebrities that will be speaking at the rally.

“Volunteers” will each get $20. That’s the going rate in New York City for a closely held political principle.

ray_from_la

This is sort of what protestors look like.

Later in the ad, the firm behind the job request is identified as Ovation. It’s a common enough name that it’s hard to pin down the who’s coordinating this thing. I’ve emailed to see if we can find out more information, but am not holding my breath for a response.

The main question is this: Who hired Ovation to stage this totally authentic rally? Are there any morally questionable opponents of wind energy in the U.K. who are centered in midtown New York City and are willing to use money to buy allies, but not really very much money? Not that I can think of.

Source

Earn Quick and Easy $20 for an hour or less of work (Midtown East), Craiglist

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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Cool job posting: Earn $20 pretending to hate wind energy

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W.Va. congressmember compares EPA head to Gadhafi

W.Va. congressmember compares EPA head to Gadhafi

Here’s some political rhetoric for you, via The Hill.

Rep. David McKinley (R-W.Va.) said the change of leadership at the EPA might not be for the better.

“I don’t want a repeat of what happened in Libya when we helped topple [Moammar] Gadhafi and then we wound up having al-Qaeda,” McKinley told Environment & Energy Daily. 

McKinley, a member of the Energy and Commerce Committee, is among the many Republicans who say President Obama’s EPA is harmful to the coal industry.

So let’s analyze this. Let’s break down this statement by the esteemed congressmember from the great state of West Virginia.

Moammar Gadhafi ruled Libya as dictator for 40 years after assuming power in a coup. During that time, he started a war with Iran that took the lives of 500,000 to a million soldiers and some 100,000 civilians. Hundreds more died in uprisings against his brutal regime. Gadhafi actively supported terrorism against Western targets, including providing material support for the bombing of Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. During the 2011 uprising that eventually claimed his position and life, thousands more died.

Moammar Gadhafi, left. Lisa Jackson, right.

Lisa Jackson was appointed by President Obama to serve as the head of the EPA. In that position, she has pushed hard for new standards limiting mercury pollution, smog, particulate matter, and greenhouse gases. She oversaw new mileage requirements for automobiles that will dramatically decrease fuel use in the future. It is safe to say that the new standards implemented during her tenure will prevent hundreds of thousands of premature deaths and save the government billions in healthcare costs.

But then, the Libyan resistance didn’t give McKinley nearly $400,000 in contributions over the course of his career. Mining interests committed to continuing cheap pollution did. Which may help explain the good congressmember’s odd moral position.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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W.Va. congressmember compares EPA head to Gadhafi

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