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This Region Is Twice Flint’s Size—And Its Water Is Also Poisoned

Mother Jones

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In two of California’s most productive farming regions, at least 212,000 people rely on water that’s routinely unsafe to drink, with levels of a toxin above its federal limit. And even if the pollution source could be stopped tomorrow, these communities—representing a population more than twice as large as that of Flint, Mich.— would endure the effects of past practices for decades. That’s the takeaway of a major new assessment by researchers at the University of California-Davis.

The toxin in question is nitrate, which leaches into aquifers when farmers apply synthetic nitrogen fertilizers and/or large amounts of manure to fortify soil. Although probably not as ruinous as lead, the contaminant that fouled Flint’s water, nitrate isn’t something you want to be gulping down on a daily basis. Nitrate-laced water has been linked to a range of health problems, including birth defects, blood problems in babies, and cancers of the ovaries and thyroid.

According to the Davis report, nitrate takes a leisurely path from farm soil into the underground water sources that provide both irrigation and drinking water to these regions—taking anywhere from years to millennia. That means the high nitrate concentrations these communities now find in their water are the result of farming decisions made years and even decades ago—and “will persist well into the future” even if farmers ramp down fertilization rates.

The reality is that the practices are unlikely to change anytime soon. The regions in question are two crucial nodes in California’s industrial-agriculture economy: the Tulare Basin in the southern Central Valley, a massive producer of milk, cattle, oranges, almonds, and pistachios; and the coastal Salinas Valley, which churns out about a half of the leaf lettuce and broccoli grown in the United States, and about a third of the spinach. Together, the two regions produce more than $12 billion in ag commodities and account for 40 percent of the state’s irrigated farmland and half of its confined animal operations, according to an earlier Davis report.

While huge economic interests are invested heavily in maintaining the status quo, the drinking-water impact falls largely on low-income farm worker communities. A 2011 study by the Pacific Institute of four small community water systems in Tulare County painted a depressing picture: A third of residents drank the water available to them, “despite years of existing nitrate contamination.” The rest spent extra money on bottled water. As a result, study participants spent 4.6 percent of median household income on water —”more than three times the affordability threshold” recommended by the US Environmental Protection Agency, the study noted.

And because the areas vulnerable to nitrate pollution are spread out and fragmented, it’s difficult to organize to clean up the water. At least the 207,000 residents of Des Moines, Iowa—which faces a similar nitrate problem from proximity to corn and hog farming—has a municipal water works system that spends hundreds of thousands of dollar per year to filter the water—and has even challenged farm interests to clean up their act with a high-profile lawsuit. Municipalities and private well owners throughout the corn belt—in Iowa, Minnesota, Ohio, and Missouri—grapple with the issue of heightened nitrate levels in drinking water.

Of course, the Tulare Basin’s nitrate problem—which is completely independent of the current drought—isn’t the only water crisis Big Ag imposes on the region’s residents. The industry’s intense thirst for irrigation sends water tables tumbling, making it ever more expensive to extract groundwater as wells need to be deepened. In times of intense drought like the current one, some low-income communities have trouble accessing any tap water at all. Last year, Mother Jones’ Julia Lurie filed a report from the Tulare County town of East Porterville, “home to the pickers and packers of the fruits, veggies, and nuts grown nearby and distributed across the country,” where thousands of households lacked access to tap water due to dry wells.

And for my feature on California’s nut boom, I visited the Tulare County farm-worker town of Alpaugh (pop. 1000), where a plunging table meant the town’s residents drew tap water laced with dangerous levels of arsenic, a naturally existing toxic chemical that concentrates at the aquifer’s lower depths. They, too, were urged to buy bottled water. It was a stark experience to drive less than five minutes out of Alpaugh and see thousands of acres of brand-new pistachio groves, irrigated by wells drawing down that same aquifer.

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This Region Is Twice Flint’s Size—And Its Water Is Also Poisoned

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Voter Fraud Is Still a Myth, and 11 Other Stats on the State of Voting Rights in America

Mother Jones

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Three years ago, the Supreme Court gutted an important provision in the Voting Rights Act, opening the door to a succession of voting restrictions. But recent court decisions have stymied efforts by mostly Republican-led legislatures to restrict voting access in Texas, North Carolina, North Dakota, and elsewhere before the November election.

Still, as the following stats show, the fight for voting access isn’t over yet:

Sources: Card 1: Brennan Center for Justice; Card 2: National Conference of State Legislatures, Brennan Center for Justice; Card 3: North Carolina State Board of Elections, Veasey v. Perry opinion, Frank v. Walker opinion, University of California, San Diego; Card 4: TMJ4, Frank v. Walker opinion; Card 5: University of California, San Diego; Card 6: The Sentencing Project; Brennan Center for Justice; Card 7: 2012 Survey on the Performance of American Elections; Card 8: Justin Levitt, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

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Voter Fraud Is Still a Myth, and 11 Other Stats on the State of Voting Rights in America

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Trump Reportedly Hires Roger Ailes to Help Prepare for Debates

Mother Jones

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Less than a month after Roger Ailes was ousted as chairman of Fox News amid a growing list of sexual harassment allegations, Donald Trump has hired Ailes to help him prepare for the upcoming presidential debates against Hillary Clinton, the New York Times reports.

Multiple sources, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, confirmed the alliance to the Times. Two of the sources told the paper that Ailes’ role could “extend beyond the debates” if Trump were to be elected president.

Just as a man who’s been in the pay of a pro-Russian regime is managing a Trump campaign with increasing Cold War overtones, a man accused of serial sexual harassment will now be coaching the Republican presidential candidate on how to defeat a woman in the race for the White House.

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Trump Reportedly Hires Roger Ailes to Help Prepare for Debates

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The Rio Olympics Have Been a Sensational Celebration of Female Athletes

Mother Jones

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For some reason, there’s been a remarkable online effort to paint the Rio Olympics as a bottomless pit of sexist drivel. The evidence in favor of this is thin to the point of nonexistence, and today it reached comical proportions. Here is Emily Crockett at Vox:

It’s no wonder that this unfortunate Olympics headline, from the Colorado paper the Greeley Tribune, caught fire on social media this week. It seemed to be the perfect encapsulation of exactly how the coverage of this year’s games is going when it comes to women — and the way women are treated in society more generally:

Seriously? Our latest outrage is a headline at the Greeley Tribune, circulation 25,000? Given Phelps’ fame and his quest for six gold medals—along with the fact that Ledecky was breaking her own world record (for the fourth time), making it barely even news that she won—you could argue that the Tribune made the right call. But even if it didn’t, who cares? One small newspaper in one small town wrote one headline that was perhaps slightly misconceived. That’s what’s generating outrage today?

It’s the internet that’s made this kind of thing possible. If you dedicate yourself to trawling every bit of media in existence for arguably sexist coverage, you’re going to find something every day. When you have literally millions of items to choose from, it’s inevitable. But it’s also essentially meaningless. What’s actually remarkable is that the folks desperately looking for sexist coverage have found so little.

I’ve been watching the Olympics every night, and what I’ve seen is extensive and highly respectful coverage of women. Women are everywhere, they’re getting at least as much attention as men, and the announcers have all been treating them as the tremendous athletes they are. But it’s true that if you try hard enough, you’ll find occasional brief bits of sexism here and there. And you can then turn these brief bits into yet another internet outrage campaign. And then, a few months later, you’ll wonder why most people don’t take charges of sexism as seriously as they should. It’s a mystery, all right.

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The Rio Olympics Have Been a Sensational Celebration of Female Athletes

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It’s True. Tim Kaine Rules at the Harmonica.

Mother Jones

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While visiting a local brewery in Asheville, North Carolina, on Monday, Tim Kaine broke out his legendary harmonica skills to join a bluegrass band for an impromptu performance of Bob Dylan’s “Wagon Wheel.” It was the first time the public has seen the Virginia senator, a noted harmonica enthusiast, play the instrument since Hillary Clinton announced him as her running mate last month.

The Democratic vice presidential candidate also sang (!) and sipped on some post-performance brew. Dad jokes and mediocre Donald Trump impressions not included.

“That felt great,” Kaine said. “Nothing makes me more nervous than doing that, but it’s good to get out of your comfort zone.”

According to the New York Times, Kaine lugs around multiple harmonicas in his briefcase at all times.

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It’s True. Tim Kaine Rules at the Harmonica.

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The Biggest Threat to Women’s Health That No One Talks About

Mother Jones

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The lady doctors are disappearing, right when women need them the most.

According to the American College of Nurse-Midwives, nearly half of all counties in the United States don’t have a single OB-GYN. That’s a problem because, as Pew Charitable Trusts reports, the overall population is expected to boom by 18 percent between 2010 and 2030, and that means more women and babies who need health care. Maternal deaths are already high in the United States compared with other developed countries—there are 18.5 deaths for every 100,000 live births, compared with 8.2 in Canada and 6.1 in Japan and the United Kingdom.

And while the number of births increases, the number of practicing OB-GYNs is projected to decrease even more. The American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) estimates that the United States will face a shortage of OB-GYNs—6,000 to 8,800 fewer of them than necessary—by 2020. By 2050, that shortage will grow to 22,000.

Why? A few reasons. First, the number of medical students choosing to specialize in obstetrics and gynecology has remained relatively steady since 1980, but in the past couple of years, more than four out of five first-year OB-GYNs were women. That’s a change—like most medical specialties, the field used to be dominated by men. Thomas Gellhaus, president of ACOG, said female OB-GYNs tend to retire about a decade earlier than male OB-GYNs and tend to prefer part-time schedules.

Another factor: While OB-GYNs were once expected to be available around the clock, few doctors today will put up with such a demanding schedule. This change has given way to “laborists,” providers who work only in hospitals and focus strictly on labor and deliveries.

Finally, students going into obstetrics and gynecology today are choosing more lucrative subspecialties like gynecologic oncology and reproductive endocrinology and fertility, leaving a gap in routine gynecological care providers. Opting for a subspecialty over a general OB-GYN practice could mean up to a $100,000 annual difference in salary.

One potential solution: Let certified nurse-midwives pick up the slack. A California bill introduced by state Assemblywoman Autumn Burke would remove the requirement that nurse-midwives—registered nurses who have also completed an accredited nurse-widwifery program and passed an exam given by the American Midwifery Certification Board—practice under the supervision of doctors. Pew reports that the number of nurse-midwives in the United States has risen as states have relaxed restrictions—the profession has grown by 30 percent since 2012.

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The Biggest Threat to Women’s Health That No One Talks About

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Voting-Rights Advocates Keep Scoring Major Victories, But the Fight Isn’t Over Yet

Mother Jones

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Update, 8/16/16, 12:04 p.m.: North Carolina Gov. Pat McCrory formally asked the Supreme Court late Monday night to reinstate the state’s voter ID law. “Allowing the Fourth Circuit’s ruling to stand creates confusion among voters and poll workers and it disregards our successful rollout of Voter ID in the 2016 primary elections,” McCrory said in a statement. “The Fourth Circuit’s ruling is just plain wrong and we cannot allow it to stand. We are confident that the Supreme Court will uphold our state’s law and reverse the Fourth Circuit.”

Over the last month and a half, voting rights advocates have scored a string of legal victories against state-level voting restrictions in North Carolina, Wisconsin, Texas, Kansas, Ohio, Michigan, and North Dakota. Still, for many voters, the rules for Election Day remain in flux.

“There’s a lot of uncertainty on what the rules are going to be, and we’re getting closer to the early voting period,” says election law expert Rick Hasen. “That kind of uncertainty creates problems.”

Where do the problems begin? First, it will be up to state and local election officials to inform voters of their rights months before the general election. On Wednesday, nearly three weeks after a federal appeals court determined that Texas’ voter identification law had a discriminatory effect on black and Latino voters, state officials reached an agreement that gave people the option to sign a form stating they had a “reasonable impediment” in acquiring a photo ID to vote in November. (Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has said he planned to appeal the decision in the future.)

As part of the arrangement, Texas officials agreed to allocate $2.5 million toward an education campaign to let voters know about the changes. Poll workers would have to know that voters can cast ballots without an ID, leaving open the potential for confusion on Election Day, Hasen says. “There are a lot of polling places in Texas,” he adds. “It’s going to take a lot of effort to get the word out.”

Restrictive voting laws in Wisconsin and North Carolina also went in front of federal judges earlier this summer. In late July, a federal appeals court found that North Carolina’s voter identification law was passed with “discriminatory intent” that burdened African American voters “with almost surgical precision.” The ruling brought down numerous provisions that included instituting new identification requirements, eliminating same-day voter registration, and reducing the time for early voting, among others. The decision has left it up to county election officials to decide how long voters will have during the early voting period to cast their ballots as state officials prepare for a high voter turnout. Meanwhile, Gov. Pat McCrory said he plans on appealing the decision to the Supreme Court.

Last Wednesday, a panel of federal judges took a different tack in Wisconsin, putting on hold a lower-court ruling that let voters without the necessary ID sign a form showing that they had reasonable issues with obtaining an ID. They concluded that the case would “likely to be reversed on appeal and disruption of the state’s electoral system in the interim will cause irreparable injury.” A federal judge in a separate case found that several of Wisconsin’s voting restrictions were unconstitutional and that its voter ID rules should be changed. The appellate panel decision effectively ensures Wisconsin voters operate under the state’s voter ID law, pending an appeal to the 7th Circuit or the Supreme Court.

Now, with the general election quickly approaching, those hoping to further shape the voting rights landscape via the courts have only a few weeks left to appeal their cases. The ACLU filed a petition on Thursday to get the entire 7th Circuit to rule on the case in Wisconsin. In the North Carolina case, Hasen notes, the court gave its decision in late July under the state’s assurances it could comply with any possible changes ordered before the November election. It’s been 17 days and counting since the decision came down, and the state has yet to file an appeal.

In the past, the Supreme Court has issued emergency stays on orders shortly before elections. A month before the 2014 midterm elections were set to begin, for example, the justices took action in three familiar cases involving North Carolina, Texas, and Wisconsin. The justices blocked Wisconsin’s attempt to implement its strict voter ID law, yet permitted Texas’ and North Carolina’s voting restrictions to continue for the midterms without an opinion. A stay in the more recent North Carolina’s case “threatens to confuse voters further, and to make election administrators’ life hell,” Hasen wrote in a recent blog post.

And this time around, timing isn’t the only question for the justices. With the Supreme Court currently divided after the death of Antonin Scalia, last-minute challenges before the justices could result in split decisions that could ultimately empower the lower courts’ decisions. “Everyday it’s a different set of rules,” Hasen says, “so you can’t really have a concerted education effort until you have some finality.”

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Voting-Rights Advocates Keep Scoring Major Victories, But the Fight Isn’t Over Yet

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These Photos of Louisiana’s Deadly Floods Are Terrifying

Mother Jones

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Severe weather and flooding has wracked southern Louisiana in recent days, as more than two feet of rain fell in parts of the region. The flooding has so far caused at least six deaths, according to the Associated Press. More than 20,000 people have been rescued, and 10,000 others have been put in shelters, Gov. John Bel Edwards said in a press conference yesterday.

The US government has declared four parishes federal disaster areas: East Baton Rouge, Livingston, St. Helena, and Tangipahoa. Damage assessments are continuing in other parts of the state, according to the Federal Emergency Management Agency. Edwards declared a state of emergency last Friday and requested aid from the federal government on Sunday.

Shocking images from the scene include cars submerged in water, floating caskets, and residents evacuating in boats. Here’s a look at the tragic scene from Louisiana:

Justin Mai reaches his hands into the mud at a construction site as he makes makeshift sandbags using plastic grocery bags during the historic flooding in Baton Rouge. Photo by Chris Granger @cgranger #flood #batonrouge

A photo posted by NOLAnews (@nolanews) on Aug 15, 2016 at 6:24am PDT

Flooding devastation is seen from the air following record-breaking rainfall in southeast Louisiana. Interstate 12 in Baton Rouge runs through the middle of this photograph. (Photo by Andrew Boyd, @gandrew55) #weather #flooding #laflood #batonrougeflood

A photo posted by NOLAnews (@nolanews) on Aug 14, 2016 at 3:51pm PDT

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These Photos of Louisiana’s Deadly Floods Are Terrifying

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Yes, Economic Anxiety Really Does Explain Some of Donald Trump’s Appeal

Mother Jones

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Matt Yglesias says it’s ridiculous to attribute Donald Trump’s support to economic anxiety:

While plenty of people, including plenty of Trump fans, certainly have concerns about the economy, it’s racial resentment that drives who does and doesn’t support Trump….Adding an economic anxiety factor to your account doesn’t actually help to explain anything. Trump’s supporters, for example, are considerably whiter and considerably older than the American population at large. If the economic problems of the past decade had been unusually hard on the white and the old, then an economics-focused explanation could be valuable. In reality, things have been rougher on nonwhites and rougher on younger cohorts.

Generally speaking, I agree. There’s been an endless amount of research, including endless splicing and dicing of poll internals, that tries to explain what’s different about Trump supporters. And every time, the answer is pretty clear: racial resentment. This is so clear that it’s become a joke on Twitter. Every time a Trump supporter (or Trump himself) does or says something racist, it will get linked with a snarky comment about the latest bit of “economic anxiety.”

And yet, I do think that genuine economic anxiety has something to do with Trump’s popularity. The chart on the right, which I posted a couple of weeks ago, tells the basic story. Over the past few decades, women’s incomes have made great strides. Blacks have improved their economic position a bit. Hispanics too. The only group that’s failed to make any progress at all is white men. Maybe it’s not right to call this “anxiety,” but it’s certainly something that helps explain why white men are angrier than most people about their economic position.

Nor do I really buy this:

By contrast, the idea that Donald Trump is going to usher in a new era of broadly shared prosperity based on a revival of coal mining and labor-intensive methods of steel production is patently ridiculous. Under guise of being respectful of Trump voters’ concerns, pundits attributing his appeal to his economic “policies” are in effect attributing a remarkable degree of foolishness to his supporters. The more parsimonious and simple explanation is that there is a basic divide over values and cultural identity.

One of the remarkable things about presidential elections is the extent to which voters simply believe whatever candidates tell them. It doesn’t matter if it’s impossible. It doesn’t matter if the candidate changed his mind about this the day before yesterday. It doesn’t matter if there’s no plausible policy behind the claim. If Trump says he’s going to build a wall, then he’s going to build a wall. If he says he’s going to renegotiate all our trade treaties, then that’s what he’s going to do. This is not something specific to Trump fans. It’s true of all voters.

Personally, I find it sort of remarkable. But then, I’m basically half-Vulcan. Most people aren’t.

Presidential campaigns are mostly just an exercise in finding someone whose heart is in the right place. The fancy term is “mood affiliation.” Most voters don’t really care if either Trump or Hillary Clinton can do what they say. They just want to know what they consider important. Trump has very loudly signaled that he considers the plight of blue-collar workers important, both economically and culturally—and that’s really all that matters.

Now, there’s a metric buttload of racial and sexist angst wrapped up in that word “culturally.” Yglesias is right about that. But there really is an economic component too.

POSTSCRIPT: Of course, this whole argument might be moot. There’s considerable evidence that blue-collar whites don’t actually support Trump any more strongly than they’ve supported any other Republican candidate for president. Some of them may be louder than usual this year, but Trump doesn’t actually seem to have moved the needle much in terms of raw numbers.

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Yes, Economic Anxiety Really Does Explain Some of Donald Trump’s Appeal

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Donald Trump Has a Huge Conflict of Interest That No One’s Talking About

Mother Jones

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If elected president, Donald Trump would bring with him to the White House unprecedented conflicts of interest, thanks to his sprawling holdings and various debts, including more than $100 million owed to a foreign bank. But his biggest conflict might be the $200 million hotel project Trump’s company is developing a couple of blocks from the White House in the Old Post Office Building, a historic property owned by the federal government and leased to the Trump Organization for 60 years. It seems likely, if not inevitable, that during a Trump presidency the federal government could find itself negotiating with the commander in chief—or his children—over matters relating to the new Trump International Hotel.

Completed in 1899, the Old Post Office is an iconic piece of real estate in a prime downtown DC location on Pennsylvania Avenue. Once the main post office for the District of Columbia, the building subsequently housed federal offices. By 2010, the property—which had escaped demolition in the 1970s due to an outcry by preservationists—was run-down and costing the government millions of dollars a year to operate and maintain. Congress pressured the General Services Administration, which manages the federal government’s facilities, to solicit bids to lease and revitalize the building. In 2012, Trump beat out competitors, including hotel chains Hilton and Hyatt, by offering an enticing deal—at least $3 million a year in rent and a share of the revenue, among other favorable terms—that some of his rivals thought was too good to be true and left little margin for profit. (Some bidders were also surprised that the government awarded this prize real estate to Trump, who at the time was actively stoking conspiracy theories that President Barack Obama was not a US citizen.)

Rival bidder BP-Metropolitan Investors, LLC, a consortium that included Hilton Hotels, angrily appealed the GSA’s decision to award the property to Trump, noting that the real estate mogul couldn’t possibly deliver on the terms of his proposal. At $200 million, his renovation was slated to cost $60 million more than BPM’s proposed overhaul, yet Trump was still pledging revenues to the government that surpassed those offered by his competition. “After a final contract award,” BPM warned in its complaint, “when the Trump revenues promised to GSA are found to be unachievable, the GSA and U.S. taxpayers will be left with an unrealistic economic model and another failed attempt to redevelop the Old Post Office. GSA and the U.S. taxpayers will have no choice but to ‘trade out’ the unrealistic ‘great deal’ it was promised for the far more pedestrian or even more disastrous outcome when it is taken back in default.”

BPM attached to its complaint more than 50 pages of exhibits detailing prior Trump bankruptcies, failed deals, and disgruntled business partners. But the GSA stuck with its decision.

Other critics have noted that, in order to turn a profit, Trump would have to charge exorbitant rates—and there’s no guarantee visitors would pay them in a city crowded with luxury hotels. Washington Post columnist Steven Pearlstein noted in 2012 that “none of the other experienced bidders came anywhere close to Trump’s numbers—and for good reason: They make no economic sense. Industry experts tell me that to justify that level of investment and that rent, Trump would have to fetch average room rates of at least…$750, which is far above the $500-plus average that even the city’s top hotel, the Four Seasons in Georgetown, commands.” At the time, Trump’s daughter Ivanka responded angrily to Pearlstein’s column, saying, “His numbers are pure speculation and, simply put, wrong.” She added, “We wanted to be extremely conservative in our projection and therefore showed achieving a rate less than that of the Four Seasons Georgetown.”

But now it appears that it was Ivanka Trump who was wrong. Pearlstein’s estimate, meanwhile, seems remarkably accurate. The hotel is slated to open on September 12 and is already accepting reservations. On October 18, a random weeknight this fall more than a month after opening, the Trump International’s cheapest room will run $775 a night. (The Trump Townhouse, a 6,300-square-foot two-bedroom suite, will cost $29,000 a night.) That same night, the least expensive room at the Four Seasons hotel in Georgetown, according to that hotel’s website, will be $735. (A one-night stay at the Ritz-Carlton will start at $685.) On some nights, the Trump International will be far and away the most expensive hotel in town, charging as much as three times more than other five-star hotels, such as the Mandarin Oriental. The question becomes whether or not Trump’s hotel can command those prices. If Trump can fill those rooms, the hotel may far exceed the expectations of critics who doubt it can be profitable at the price he paid. But if he can’t, it might spell trouble for the operation—and send Trump’s company back to the GSA seeking better terms that give the hotel a shot at profitability.

Going back to the bargaining table would not be an extraordinary move for a real estate developer—and especially not for Trump, who has frequently sought to change the terms of deals and has bragged of renegotiating debt. (He’s currently trying to renegotiate the presidential debate schedule.) And there are any number of reasons why the Trump Organization might need to haggle with the GSA that go beyond merely the bottom line, such as preserving certain architectural features. But Trump isn’t just a real estate developer. He’s potentially the boss of the very agency his company would be negotiating with. The GSA did not respond to a request for comment about how it would handle a conflict-of-interest issue if Trump becomes president.

Already the Trump Organization has sought to revise certain aspects of the Old Post Office deal. When his company submitted the plan, Trump said he had financial backing from Colony Capital, an investment firm run by his longtime friend Tom Barrack, a California billionaire who is currently serving as one of Trump’s economic policy advisers and helping finance a pro-Trump super-PAC. The Trump Organization later informed the GSA that Colony would not in fact be financing the project and that the organization would instead borrow $170 million from German banking giant Deutsche Bank.

Though historic preservation was an important aspect of the GSA’s decision-making process, the Trump Organization also informed the GSA in February 2013 that it would not be using the architect that it had identified in its proposal, a longtime champion of maintaining the building’s architectural and historical integrity. Since then, Trump’s company has regularly sparred with the government over preservation matters.

Jessica Tillipman, a law professor at George Washington University who specializes in government ethics, said the Old Post Office deal poses a massive conflict of interest for a President Trump. “You’d be kidding yourself if you don’t think the president of the United States has influence over this,” she says. “And he’s taken no affirmative steps to separate himself from this conflict of interest. I don’t know how this is not a bigger issue. It’s crazy.”

Presidents are not subject to the same ethics rules that govern other executive branch employees, but they often take steps, such as setting up blind trusts or handing over control of their assets, to avoid even an appearance of impropriety. But Trump has not been entirely clear on how he would disentangle himself from his complex corporate holdings if he became president. At one point, he suggested he would place his assets in a blind trust “or something.” But he also said this trust would be controlled by his children, who would continue to run his businesses. Blind trusts cannot be controlled by an individual’s family members. Trump’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment on how a conflict of interest with the Old Post Office, or any other property, would be handled.

“People have typically taken steps to silo these different aspects of their lives, because there should not be a doubt in the minds of the American public that the leader of the free world is not going to be putting certain interests over the public’s,” Tillipman says. “And when you haven’t taken affirmative steps, it leaves an open question.”

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Donald Trump Has a Huge Conflict of Interest That No One’s Talking About

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