Author Archives: DenaeTina858

Life’s Very Fine Lines

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Life’s Very Fine Lines

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Do Republicans Have Ratio-Myopia?

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Ezra Klein is confused about why Republicans are holding out on a sequester deal that cuts spending but also raises revenues by limiting deductions for high earners. After all, nobody believes Republicans will get bigger spending cuts by holding out, nor does anyone believe that Obama will eventually agree to some future deal that pairs up deductions and lower tax rates without a net increase in revenues. So maybe it’s this?

A third answer is that the anti-tax pledge holds that cutting deductions to reduce the deficit is a tax increase, and Republicans won’t vote for a tax increase, even if it results in a policy outcome they vastly prefer. In other words, it’s ratio-myopia.

And perhaps that’s the real answer. But it’s a bit hard to believe. Perhaps I’m missing something?

I’m confused about the confusion. Republicans have been the anti-tax party for more than 30 years now. They’ve never been willing to trade tax increases for spending cuts, and they’ve been vocally, implacably dedicated to this during every budget showdown of the past three years. A deal that includes both spending cuts and tax increases is very much not a policy outcome they vastly prefer.

So yeah, #3 is the real answer. I don’t quite get why this is hard to believe.

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Do Republicans Have Ratio-Myopia?

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Privately Run Medicare Plans are Really Expensive

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Austin Frakt draws my attention today to a new article about the administrative costs of Medicare. Exciting stuff! Long story short, Kip Sullivan of the Minnesota chapter of Physicians for a National Health Program wants everyone to understand just what’s involved in figuring out the true administrative costs of Medicare. The cost of collecting payroll taxes is one frequently overlooked element, for example. More interestingly, though, there’s a large and growing gap between the overhead calculations of the Medicare Trustees and those of the National Health Expenditure Accounts. Why is that?

According to Sullivan, the Treasury’s calculation of administrative costs does not include those incurred by Medicare Advantage and private, Part D (drug) plans….The trustees’ and NHEA measures were fairly close until the 1980s. Then they diverged as enrollment grew in Medicare Advantage and its predecessor programs. In 2006, Part D drug plans became available and the two types of administrative costs diverged further still. As traditional Medicare’s administrative costs went down, those of private plans grew.

The chart below shows what happened. When Medicare was run traditionally, overhead was fairly low and getting lower (dashed blue line). Then private plans were introduced and total overhead costs started to flatten (black line). By 1997, total overhead was about 1.4 percentage points higher than traditional Medicare alone. In that year, Medicare Advantage was introduced, and by 2005 the gap had widened to 2.1 percentage points. Then privately run prescription drug plans were introduced, and now the gap is 4.5 percentage points.

In the case of prescription drugs, it’s possible that higher overhead is justified by the lower overall program costs we get from having a lot of competing plans. In the case of Medicare Advantage, it’s just pure waste. We have higher overhead and higher overall costs, with very little benefit to show for it. As Sullivan says, this should “long ago have triggered inquiries within Congress and the US health policy community as to whether the higher administrative costs associated with the growing privatization of Medicare are justified.”

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Privately Run Medicare Plans are Really Expensive

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Report: These 54 Foreign Governments Helped the CIA Torture, Detain, and Transport Suspects After 9/11

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On Tuesday, the Open Society Justice Initiative released a 212-page report that details international assistance to US covert action related to controversial Bush-era anti-terror policy. The report (PDF), titled “Globalizing Torture: CIA Secret Detention and Extraordinary Rendition,” identifies 136 people who were captured or transferred by the Central Intelligence Agency, and lists available information about the detaineesâ&#128;&#148;both the Islamist operatives and the completely innocent.

“Globalizing Torture” also provides an annotated list of the dozens of foreign governments that played roles in the CIA’s secret program in the years following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. These governments provided crucial support in facilitating the CIA and Bush administration’s war on Al Qaeda by, according to the report:

Hosting CIA prisons on their territories; detaining, interrogating, torturing, and abusing individuals; assisting in the capture and transport of detainees; permitting the use of domestic airspace and airports for secret flights transporting detainees; providing intelligence leading to the secret detention and extraordinary rendition of individuals; and interrogating individuals who were secretly being held in the custody of other governments. Foreign governments also failed to protect detainees from secret detention and extraordinary rendition on their territories and to conduct effective investigations into agencies and officials who participated in these operations.

Here are the 54 listed, in alphabetical order:

Afghanistan
Albania
Algeria
Australia
Austria
Azerbaijan
Belgium
Bosnia-Herzegovina
Canada
Croatia
Cyprus
The Czech Republic
Denmark
Djibouti
Egypt
Ethiopia
Finland
Gambia
Georgia
Germany
Greece
Hong Kong
Iceland
Indonesia
Iran
Ireland
Italy
Jordan
Kenya
Libya
Lithuania
Macedonia
Malawi
Malaysia
Mauritania
Morocco
Pakistan
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Saudi Arabia
Somalia
South Africa
Spain
Sri Lanka
Sweden
Syria
Thailand
Turkey
United Arab Emirates
United Kingdom
Uzbekistan
Yemen
Zimbabwe

Check out the full report here.

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Report: These 54 Foreign Governments Helped the CIA Torture, Detain, and Transport Suspects After 9/11

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How the shale boom came to North Dakota — and how it’s spreading west

How the shale boom came to North Dakota — and how it’s spreading west

It really is an apt image: a series of briefcases, presumably in a range of colors from dusty brown to black, sitting in the freezing air on the steps of a North Dakota courthouse sometime before dawn. The briefcases served as proxies for the oil and gas company representatives jostling to buy mineral rights in the empty flatness of western North Dakota, representatives not eager enough to close the deals that they would stand in subzero temperatures.

afiler

Williston, North Dakota, in 2008.

This scene leads the New York Times Magazine’s overview of the state’s newest-but-not-only oil boom, the cacophonous hustle to split apart the Bakken shale with hydraulic fracturing. The Times has been on a North Dakota bender of late, covering gender issues and infrastructural strains caused by the boom. But this most recent piece provides the most insight on how the boom came to be and how long it might last.

They have been through this before, the people of North Dakota, first in the ’60s, a decade after oil was discovered in the state. And then again in the late ’70s, when the boom was driven by rising oil prices. Monthly oil production, which peaked in 1984 at 4.6 million barrels, fell to half and then went sideways for nearly a quarter-century. By February 1999, there wasn’t a single rig drilling new wells in the state, and oil development looked to be yet another cautionary tale in the familiar boom-and-bust history of the region …

And then around seven years ago — driven by technological refinements that have made North Dakota a premier laboratory for coaxing oil from stingy rocks — the state’s Bakken boom began in Mountrail County. … The first areas of the Bakken to be hydraulically fractured were on the Montana side of the Williston Basin in the Elm Coulee Field, where oil was discovered in 2000. Early treatments there were called “Hail Mary fracks” because geologists and engineers would just drill a well, pump in frack fluid and pray for a robust result. The technique is more exact now. Certain grades of sand or sometimes proppant made of ceramic beads are matched to certain kinds of rock, and the wells are fracked in stages, as many as 40 stages per well.

Just how much oil is in the Bakken is still unknown. Estimates have been continuously revised upward since a 1974 figure of 10 billion barrels. Leigh Price, a United States Geological Survey geochemist, was initially greeted with skepticism when, about 13 years ago, he came to the conclusion that the Bakken might hold as much as 503 billion barrels of oil. Now people don’t think that number is as crazy as it seemed. …

[A]s the volume of oil in the Bakken shale is still a moving target, and recovery techniques are increasingly sophisticated, some estimates put the life of the Bakken play, and the attendant upheaval it is causing in North Dakota, at upward of a hundred years.

A century. Even after global climate change has brought about massive disruption, we could still see people in the badlands of North Dakota drilling holes and squeezing water into shale.

The Times suggests that the state is sanguine about the prospect, and takes its current growing pains and environmental scarring in stride.

[O]il development, and fracking in particular, raises little of the hue and cry it does in Eastern states sitting above the natural gas in the Marcellus shale. Even a well-publicized investigation by the news Web site ProPublica that reported that there were more than “1,000 accidental releases of oil, drilling wastewater and other fluids” in North Dakota in 2011 passed without much fuss.

A more typical attitude is represented by Harold Hamm, chief executive of Continental Resources. “Why do [critics] always start talking about the challenges?” Hamm said in a speech he gave at Williston Basin Petroleum Conference in Bismarck in May. “What challenges? Spending all the money?”

Hamm — who, you’ll remember, advised Mitt Romney’s campaign on energy issues during last year’s election –  would likely find different answers to his questions in Colorado or California. Both states are struggling to draw a line on oil exploration that embraces the money but also addresses the all-too-real challenges.

The Denver Post reports on the debate in Colorado:

The battle over oil and gas leasing on public lands in the West is being most fiercely fought in Colorado, where in the past five years, nine of every 10 acres offered for drilling have been protested. …

The volleys of protest from communities, wildlife officials and environmental groups are sparked, they say, by an inadequate analysis of drilling impacts in the state and insufficient protection of public lands.

Bureau of Land Management officials in the state use decades-old planning documents in determining the suitability of a location for drilling — a fact that opponents have latched onto, asking that drilling be stopped while the BLM develops new planning documents. The outdated documents have halted several planned lease auctions.

Lease-sale parcels were … deferred in the area near Dinosaur National Monument, in Moffat County, after protests by the Wilderness Society and the National Parks Conservation Association. …

Parcels were also deferred from the North Fork Valley in response to criticism that they were on steep slopes or too near a school, water supplies or public land being considered for recreational use.

“It is nice that they addressed some of the concerns we raised,” said Jim Ramey, director of Paonia-based Citizens for a Healthy Community, which opposes leasing in the North Fork.

“But the fundamental problem remains that they are making decisions based on old documents that don’t reflect what is happening in Colorado,” Ramey said.

A separate article in the Times on this topic outlined the concerns of one Colorado rancher:

“It’s just this land-grab, rape-and-pillage mentality,” said Landon Deane, who raises 80 cows on a ranch that sits near several federal parcels being put up for lease. Because of the quirks of mineral ownership in the West, which can divide ownership of land and the minerals under it, one parcel up for bid sits directly below Ms. Deane’s fields, where she has recently been thinking of sowing hops for organic beer.

“All it takes is one spill, and we’re toast,” she said.

docsearls

Monterey Shale in Southern California.

Likewise, California’s Monterey Shale is inspiring furious debate over extraction. The Times outlined the debate in a story this weekend, with oil companies in the country’s fourth-largest producing state facing off against environmental organizations fiercely determined to protect its legendary quality of life. We’ve outlined Gov. Jerry Brown’s plans to regulate fracking before, but not reported on the scale of the issue:

Comprising two-thirds of the United States’s total estimated shale oil reserves and covering 1,750 square miles from Southern to Central California, the Monterey Shale could turn California into the nation’s top oil-producing state and yield the kind of riches that far smaller shale oil deposits have showered on North Dakota and Texas.

It will take more regulation and persuasion to overcome objections in California and Colorado than it has in North Dakota. But the pressure to unleash the boom is immense. For oil companies, figuring out how to navigate the politics of less-receptive states is worth an enormous amount of money. At least in California, one aspect of the push will be easier: At no point in time will industry lobbyists need to seek refuge from the cold.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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How the shale boom came to North Dakota — and how it’s spreading west

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Be a Locavolt: Benefits of Community-Owned Energy

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Be a Locavolt: Benefits of Community-Owned Energy

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How coal is keeping its firm grip on miners and elected officials

How coal is keeping its firm grip on miners and elected officials

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The coal industry is far more effective at preserving its political and economic power than it is at innovating cheap ways of getting coal out of the ground. In its push for continued relevance, the industry takes no prisoners in the mines or on Capitol Hill.

Consider the case of Reuben Shemwell, as told by Huffington Post:

Shemwell’s troubles started in September 2011. After his year and a half as a welder at mining properties in Western Kentucky, [Armstrong Coal] management fired the 32-year-old for what supervisors deemed “excessive cell phone use” on the job — an allegation Shemwell denied. Furthermore, Shemwell argued that the cell phone charge was merely a pretext for his firing. In subsequent court filings, he claimed the real reason he was canned was that he’d complained about safety problems at his worksite.

According to Shemwell’s filings with the Mine Safety and Health Administration (MSHA), the federal agency responsible for protecting miners, Shemwell had refused to work in confined spaces where he’d been overcome by fumes, and he’d complained to a superior that the respirators provided to welders were inadequate. Shortly before Shemwell was fired, he and a colleague also refused to work on an excavator while it was in operation, according to filings.

Not long after Shemwell filed his discrimination complaint, MSHA officials tried to inspect the site where he’d been working. According to court documents, Armstrong chose to shut the site down rather than subject it to MSHA oversight, which management said would be too costly. Ten workers were laid off.

The government decided not to hear a discrimination complaint Shemwell filed, which should have ended things — albeit unhappily for Shemwell. It didn’t.

Armstrong filed suit against Shemwell in Kentucky state court, claiming that the miner had filed a “false discrimination claim” against them, and that his claim amounted to “wrongful use of civil proceedings” — akin to a frivolous lawsuit.

Shemwell and his attorneys think that Armstrong Coal’s motive isn’t to repair its good name (assuming it once had a good name). Rather, the goal is to curtail complaints from employees and stifle whistleblowers. Efforts to silence employees drawing attention to safety concerns is hardly a new phenomenon; in 2011, whistleblowing miner Charles Scott Howard was fired by Cumberland River Coal, and then, after a court found the firing to be unjust, reinstated. What’s new in the Shemwell case is that Armstrong Coal took a further retaliatory step.

Despite wails during last year’s election that Obama was killing the coal industry, Big Coal appears to be feeling pretty confident. Politico reports on an emboldened industry:

The mining industry is optimistic about wielding Congress and the courts this year to push an agenda focused on expanding mining on federal lands and coal export capacity, as well as fighting EPA’s greenhouse gas regulations.

“There’s not one corner of the Congress where we don’t have strong friends,” said Rich Nolan, the National Mining Association’s senior vice president for government affairs. …

“We have a strong base both in committee and in the House floor,” Nolan said.

This is true. And as it happens, contributions from the coal mining industry to congressional candidates neared $5.5 million in the 2011-2012 cycle. The average contribution to House candidates spiked.

Open Secrets

There’s not one corner of the Congress where the mining industry doesn’t have strong friends. Some of those friends even stop by for parties.

Yesterday, the National Mining Association gave a briefing to the media on its outlook for the year. In summary: It’s bright. The Charleston Gazette was there and quoted NMA President Hal Quinn: “The outlook for U.S. coal and minerals mining in 2013 is positive due to clear improvements in key sectors of the U.S. economy and the global demand for mined products, particularly in developing economies.” Quinn later reverted to 2012′s talking points, critiquing government measures that could slow production — things like EPA regulations on air pollution and increased government response to repeated mine violations. The future is bright — but it could be brighter.

It is certainly the case that the industry would like to expand. And it’s true that coal use continues nearly unabated internationally. But that doesn’t mean that the coal industry, particularly in Appalachia, is doing well. So the same scramble continues — punishing dissension among employees and currying favor in Washington.

If only the industry actually spent as much time and money and energy cleaning up its product. But, then, that wouldn’t make so much money.

Philip Bump writes about the news for Gristmill. He also uses Twitter a whole lot.

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How coal is keeping its firm grip on miners and elected officials

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Americans are consuming less high-fructose corn syrup

Americans are consuming less high-fructose corn syrup

High-fructose corn syrup was our sweetener of choice in the late ’90s, when we were all high on junk food and the potential for this crazy new thing called The Internet. Those were fast times!

Now we are jaded and less interested in the sweet stuff. According to the USDA, this year only 4.5 percent of the U.S. corn crop is expected to be used for production of high-fructose corn syrup, the lowest amount since 1997.

Fuck you, soda!

Corn costs have tripled since 2004, making the syrup a less cost-effective sweetener. And some health advocates say efforts to combat obesity have helped to curb HFCS consumption, including New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s much-despised and much-lauded big soda ban.

From Bloomberg the news source, not Bloomberg the mayor:

Americans consumed an average of 131 calories of the corn sweetener each day in 2011, down 16 percent since 2007, according to the most recent USDA data. Meanwhile, consumption of sugar, also blamed for weight gain, rose 8.8 percent to 185 calories daily, the data show.

Even with the increase in sugar use, total U.S. sweetener production remains down 14 percent from a 1999 peak, according to the USDA.

“We’re seeing a real decline, and that people aren’t just switching to sugar,” said Michael Jacobson, executive director of the Center for Science in the Public Interest in Washington.

Let’s not celebrate just yet, though — the full picture on our sweet habits is a bit more grim.

This week, researchers in Philadelphia found a 70 percent increase in diabetes rates for kids under age 5 over a 20-year period. That scary rise has leveled off over the last decade, as has our taste for corn syrup. Good news, sure, but that decade of living the high life on high fructose has given us a serious public health hangover. And diet cola isn’t going to make it feel any better.

Susie Cagle writes and draws news for Grist. She also writes and draws tweets for

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Americans are consuming less high-fructose corn syrup

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