Author Archives: FranklynSwanton

GOPers Probing Iran Deal Turn to Cheney Aide Who Was Involved With Bogus Iraq Intel

Mother Jones

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After the New York Times‘ much-discussed profile of White House national security aide Ben Rhodes hit computer screens all across Washington recently, Republicans howled about the revelation that Rhodes boasted of having created an “echo chamber” of experts and journalists to support the Iran nuclear deal. House Speaker Paul Ryan accused the Obama administration of having “essentially misled the American people.” Rhodes countered that the White House had merely crafted a “concerted effort” to win backing for the accord by pushing out “the facts of the deal.” Still, Republicans proclaimed yet another Obama scandal, and Rep. Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah), the chair of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, rushed to hold a hearing entitled “White House Narratives on the Iran Nuclear Deal.”

It might be worth exploring how the White House communicated information about the Iran nuclear agreement, but here’s the tell that this endeavor is not a serious, nonpartisan, on-the-level project: Chaffetz has invited John Hannah to be a witness at the hearing, scheduled for Tuesday. He’s a senior official at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a neoconish outfit that opposed the Iran deal. But more relevant—or awkward—he’s a former aide to Vice President Dick Cheney who was deeply involved in the Bush-Cheney administration’s use of bogus intelligence to sell the Iraq War.

In 2002, as hawks and neocons were angling to launch a war against Saddam Hussein and trying to generate a case to justify an attack, Hannah, then an aide in Vice President Cheney’s office, was a contact person in the White House receiving false intelligence on Iraq’s supposed weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi National Congress, an exile group led by Ahmad Chalabi that was trying to encourage US military action against Iraq. As Knight Ridder subsequently reported, “The Bush administration relied on some of the information from the Iraqi National Congress to argue that Saddam Hussein had to be ousted before he could give banned biological or chemical weapons to al-Qaida for strikes on the United States.” And the news service noted that a 2002 letter from the INC to congressional staffers identified Hannah “as the White House recipient of information gathered by the group through a U.S.-funded effort called the Information Collection Program.”

So Hannah was a funnel for phony intelligence. But that’s not all.

In the 2006 book I co-wrote with Michael Isikoff, Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War, we reported that when the Bush-Cheney crowd came into office, Hannah was one of the leading champions of Chalabi, the conniving leader of the INC who died last year. Hannah was also at that time a supporter of an eccentric academic named Laurie Mylroie who had developed the bizarre conspiracy theory that Saddam Hussein, not Islamic extremists such as Al Qaeda, was responsible for most of the world’s anti-United States terrorism. This was a notion discredited by the US intelligence community but embraced by neocons searching for reasons to go to war against the Iraqi dictator.

And Hannah was one of the architects of the speech then-Secretary of State Colin Powell gave to the United Nations in February 2003 that was designed to pave the way to war. The first draft of that speech had come out of Cheney’s office and was referred to as the “Libby draft,” named after Cheney’s chief of staff, Scooter Libby (who would later be found guilty of lying to federal investigators and sentenced to 30 months in prison, though his sentence was subsequently commuted by Bush). In meetings prior to Powell’s UN appearance, Powell’s chief of staff, Larry Wilkerson, challenged many of the allegations within the Libby draft, and Hannah tried to defend the material. Wilkerson later told Isikoff and me, “Hannah was constantly flipping through his clipboard, trying to source and verify all the statements…It was clear the thing was put together by cherry-picking everything from the New York Times to the DIA.” The closer Wilkerson and other State Department aides looked at the draft, the more they found the allegations to be based on unconfirmed and iffy source material. Much of the information, Wilkerson concluded, had come from the INC. Eventually, the draft Hannah was defending was tossed aside. Instead, Powell’s speech would be based on a national intelligence estimate. (This NIE was also predicated on flawed intelligence, but the allegations were less outlandish than those in the Libby draft.)

Of course, most of the Powell speech turned out to be bunk. Had Libby and Hannah prevailed, it would have been even bunkier. Still, Powell’s speech had the intended result: It helped sway public and pundit opinion in favor of the war. Team Cheney, with Hannah a key player, had driven the agenda and helped peddle a hoax—Saddam was neck-deep in WMDs and in cahoots with Al Qaeda—to sell a war. (By the way, in 2007, Hannah, still part of Cheney’s posse, was pushing for a US war with Iran.)

So maybe Hannah does have experience in how a White House tries to create and promote a narrative. But in his case, it was a false narrative. Will he be testifying about that?

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/news/special-reports/iraq-intelligence/article24451654.html#storylink=cpy

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/news/special-reports/iraq-intelligence/article24451654.html#storylink=cp

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GOPers Probing Iran Deal Turn to Cheney Aide Who Was Involved With Bogus Iraq Intel

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How Donald Trump Killed the Biggest Cliché in Politics

Mother Jones

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The first candidate to use one of the most abused clichés in electoral politics at least had the facts on his side. Just before 5 p.m. on October 11, 1948, President Harry Truman pulled into the train station in Willard, Ohio, and addressed the crowd from the rear platform. In a brief speech that lasted no longer than 12 minutes, he accused his Republican challenger, New York Gov. Thomas Dewey, of obsessing over public-opinion surveys, and then made a historic prediction. “I think he is going to get a shock on the second of November,” Truman predicted. “He is going to get the results of one big poll that counts—that is the voice of the American people speaking at the ballot box.”

And good for him. Four years after Gallup’s preference for Republican candidates prompted congressional hearings, the preeminent polling firm predicted Dewey would win by five points. Truman won by 2 million votes. You’ve all seen the photo.

As candidates dealt with the increasing omnipresence of polls, Truman’s mantra became a handy crutch. At first, the historical allusion was explicit. “In one respect I’m like Harry Truman about polls,” Vice President Richard Nixon told the New York Times in 1959. “We share that in common, plus the fact that we both play the piano. I believe the only poll that counts is that on election day.” As he prepared to face Sen. John F. Kennedy the next year, he told Democrats, “I can agree with the distinguished member of your party, Mr. Truman, when he said that the only poll that counts is the one on election day.”

Nixon’s habitual usage of the term helped usher it into the mainstream. In 1972, his daughter Tricia declared that “the only poll that really counts is the vote on election day.” Four years later, Tricky Dick sent a private note of encouragement to his successor, President Gerald Ford: “Keep that confident, fighting spirit—and the only poll that matters will come out alright on November 2.” Within two years, yet another president, Jimmy Carter, was quoting from the Book of Harry: “Look, the only poll that matters in politics is the poll that the people conduct on election day.”

By 1980, when Carter was still holding out hope for the one true poll, the Times felt comfortable calling the use of the cliché a classic gesture of “politicians running behind.” It has even traveled across the pond (as a corollary to the very British phrase, “Every jockey knows the fence that counts is the last one”), and found an ironic second life among college football fans.

The problem now is that it’s no longer true, for wildly divergent reasons. The polls have been all over the place in 2016, and they’re only getting worse because, as Jill Lepore explained in the New Yorker, the pool of people who participate in them is becoming smaller and less representative. But at the same time, the polls matter more than ever. For the first time in a party-nominating contest, they were used to split the Republican candidate field into two tiers of debates—more than a year before election day.

If the cliché is truly dead (it may be indestructible), then Donald Trump killed it. In a rebuke to the Nixons and Trumans—and basically everyone else—who came before him, he has decided that polls are, in fact, fantastic. He can rattle off the latest results off the top of his head; at the most recent debate, in South Carolina, he even corrected a moderator who misstated the size of his lead. And it’s working. The effect has been to turn the polling industry into a political perpetual-motion machine; poll numbers beget media coverage about poll numbers, which beget even higher poll numbers.

After all this, maybe there’s only one way this story can end:

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How Donald Trump Killed the Biggest Cliché in Politics

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