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Pepsi Is Ditching One Fake Sweetener, But What About The Rest?

Mother Jones

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Alexei Vella

Junk-food giant PepsiCo is preparing to make the biggest change to its Diet Pepsi brand in three decades, Bloomberg News reports: it’s nixing the controversial low-calorie sweetener aspartame. In its place, Diet Pepsi will get its sweet jolt from a mix of sucralose and acesulfame potassium. The apparent reason for the shake-up: Diet Pepsi sales plunged 5.2 percent last year, Bloomberg noted. Rival Diet Coke fared even worse, enduring 6.6 percent drop in sales (though Coke is clinging fast to aspartame). What gives?

Even with the recent consumer turn away from these once-formidable products, the lure of sweet-but-virtuous soda is still going strong—and goes back decades. Recently, I came across one from a 1966 glossy magazine featuring a close-up shot of a supple-lipped woman filling a glass with Tab, Coca-Cola’s original diet soda. “One crazy calorie in every six ounces,” the copy purrs, with a Don Draper-ish flourish: “Like everything now, a little crazy, but wow.”

Today, diet drinks make up 27.5 percent of the $76.3 billion US soft-drink market, according to Beverage Digest. And artificial sweeteners don’t just work their magic on sodas. They also appear in stuff like Minute Maid Light Orange Juice, Quaker “25% less sugar” granola bars, and Thomas’ 100% Whole Wheat English Muffins. A 2012 study by Emory University researchers found that nearly a quarter of adults and 12.5 percent of children regularly consumed artificially sweetened beverages. Globally, the market for low-calorie foods and drinks will hit $10.4 billion by 2019, up from today’s $7.4 billion, predicts the firm Transparency Market Research. Prominent medical groups approve: The American Diabetes Association, for example, recommends diet soda as an alternative to the real stuff.

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Pepsi Is Ditching One Fake Sweetener, But What About The Rest?

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Trains Hauling Crude Oil Across North America Just Keep Exploding.

Mother Jones

A train hauling more than 100 tankers from North Dakota’s booming oil fields derailed during a snowstorm on Monday in West Virginia. The accident sparked massive explosions that prompted the evacuation of two nearby towns, and an oil spill that threatened the water supply of thousands of local residents. The train was heading to Yorktown, Virginia, and came off its tracks 33 miles southeast of Charleston, West Virginia. A state of emergency was declared.

Oil spilled into the Kanawha River, and one home was destroyed during the inferno that continued for 10 hours after the derailment, according to CNN. One person was injured. Dramatic footage shows fire and smoke billowing through the snowy sky:

Bakken crude is regarded as potentially more flammable than traditional crude, thus posing an increased hazard. And since the derailment of a train hauling Bakken crude killed 47 people in Lac-Mégantic, Quebec, in July 2013, the type of tankers involved in these accidents has become the subject of intense scrutiny. Both Canada and the United States have called for tougher safety standards, including upgrading the tankers. In mid-January, Canada announced it would take older tankers, known as the “DOT-111”, off the network years sooner than the United States will, putting the two countries at odds over increased safety measures on the deeply integrated system.

Here’s a diagram of the weaknesses in the older DOT-111 model tanker, which is still in operation across the network:

Chris Philpot

You can read an in-depth Mother Jones report about the DOT-111 tankers here.

The train operator, CSX, has said that the train was not pulling DOT-111 tankers. Instead, the company says it was using a tougher, newer model, the “CPC 1232”, according to Reuters.

But even newer cars like these are evidently not invincible: when a 105-car CSX train derailed in Lynchburg, Va., last April, a fiery CPC-1232 tanker careened into the James River and spilled 30,000 gallons of Bakken crude oil. And Washington state regulators are investigating CPC-1232 tankers, after a BNSF train carrying Bakken crude oil across Idaho and Washington in January was found to have leaking cars. The CPC-1232 also doesn’t quite live up to the US regulators’ proposed rules to upgrade the system, according to Bloomberg, which reports that:

The draft rule also would require that new cars be built with steel shells that are 9/16th of an inch thick, people familiar with the plan said. The walls of the current cars, both DOT-111s and the newer CPC-1232 models, are 7/16th of an inch thick.

The West Virginia accident on Monday is the second major derailment in three days across North America’s booming oil-by-rail network. A Canadian National Railway train detailed northern Ontario, Canada, on Saturday night, again resulting in an inferno and an oil spill: 29 railway cars in the 100-car train derailed. Seven caught fire, according to CTV.

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Trains Hauling Crude Oil Across North America Just Keep Exploding.

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A Hip-Hop Crew’s Take on Old Detroit vs. the So-Called New Detroit

Mother Jones

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Last March, the developers of a restored downtown Detroit apartment building, the Albert, released a promotional video showcasing the swanky amenities that awaited hip millenials if they would just sign a lease and say yes to a city many of their parents and grandparents had left behind. “Detroit is MY generation’s city,” a chirpy twentysomething exclaims as the promo fades to black and the Albert’s sleek graphic reemerges.

If the video was meant to give a behind-the-scenes tour of a building with 127 rental units, it also revealed the mindset of some of the architects of Detroit’s revitalization efforts, who are trying to rebrand the city. The implication of the “my generation” slogan was that the old guard would need to step aside. Indeed, the low-income senior tenants living in the Albert had been informed the previous April that they would need to make other housing arrangements. “There’s all this hubbub about a ‘new Detroit,'” one pushed-out tenant, 58-year-old Recardo Berrien, told Deadline Detroit. “I was born and raised in Detroit. For us not to be part of this ‘new Detroit’ is absurd. We don’t see ‘us’ in none of this. No elderly and poor. We are nowhere in the plans of anyone down here.”

As city leaders—and billionaires—structure Detroit’s future, there has been an emphasis on words like “new,” “revitalization,” “renaissance” and “regrowth,” but very little talk about the systemic issues that led to the city’s decline. The Detroit Future City Strategic Framework, the current blueprint for the revitalization effort, is a 761-page tome that mentions poverty just once and racism not at all. A section of the plan, which Mayor Mike Duggan’s development chief call his “Bible,” calls for a slowdown of city services in high-vacancy areas.

These contradictions are the subject of “H.O.M.E.S.,” the latest song by 30-year-old Detroit hip-hop artist Mic Write, in collaboration with DOSS the Artist, another local rapper. It’s an anthem of city pride that challenges the notion of their town’s corporate revitalization. “My city, my block, my street. Why pity my stock I eat. I read, I learn, I care. I think your data is obsolete. Look, Nigga this that miss me with your savior complex,” he raps in the first verse.

“I used to live in Midtown,” Mic Write told me. “And I was down in Midtown when it was not as bustling as it is now. I was able to see firsthand some of the renewal efforts.” He’s talking about a neighborhood within the 7.2 square miles targeted for redevelopment. “So you kind of learn the terms for it: gentrification, urban renewal. Sometimes you don’t have the terms, you just have a feeling and it goes from, ‘Oh wow, look at all these cool places that I can go to!’ to hearing stories that feel a little bit darker, like about people getting evicted, either formally or just priced out because it was becoming that type of place.”

Mic Write, a 2013 Kresge Foundation Literary Arts fellow and member of a rap collective called Cold Men Young (a play on Coleman Young, Detroit’s first black mayor), explains that he heard stories of friends displaced for the sake of renewal and felt compelled to create something that gets to the heart of the matter. “I don’t mind new things coming in and new lifeblood coming in,” he says. “But I think it’s an issue when there are certain exclusions that come along with it. So I wanted to write an anthem that said, ‘You can come in, but you can’t take what I’m not going to give.'”

So, while the song doesn’t dis the new, it does pay deference to the old. In the accompanying video, the two rappers walk through rich and poor neighborhoods, letting homes of all conditions take the spotlight. “One of the most defining things about Detroit is its homes, or lack thereof,” says DOSS the Artist. “You have this vacant space, this abandoned space. Living here or just spending time touring these different areas of the city, you begin to think, “What is the history? What does it mean for our community for there to be this vacant space where there used to be a life? Where have those people gone? What is left for them?”

Such questions are all too often ignored when civic discussions revolve around blight and the “urban wasteland” instead of the city’s past and the problems that brought about the neglect. Detroit’s history is like a thumbprint; you can ignore the evidence but can’t erase it. The 1967 12th Street Riots, white flight, scandal-ridden city politics, the fading of the Big Three, the subprime fiasco, and the city’s recent bankruptcy all are partly responsible for Detroit’s current state. And while the city is now out of bankruptcy and there’s been a renewed interest from investors in Detroit’s future, “H.O.M.E.S” is a reminder of the people who gave the city its vitality before everyone was obsessed with its re-vitality.

In January, New York magazine ran an article profiling nine Detroit artists and why they chose to live in the city. Pegged to the fact that Brooklyn-based art gallery Galapagos is moving to a warehouse there, the piece argued that Motown was finally having a hip moment, like SoHo in the 1970s. But then, we all know what SoHo’s like now: commercial and sanitized. The issue for Detroit readers was the lack of any connection to the city’s past. And although Detroit’s population is 83 percent black, the article feature exclusively white artists—many of them newcomers.

“H.O.M.E.S was really speaking a lot about the state of Detroit,” DOSS the Artist told me. “Which kind of mimics a lot of the rhetoric around all lives matter and black lives matter right now. This is a space that looks abandoned but it is entirely occupied by people everyday, just performing basic human needs.”

Master photo by Iain Maitland, www.iainmaitland.com

Video shot by Ben Friedman, www.benjamin.strikingly.com

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A Hip-Hop Crew’s Take on Old Detroit vs. the So-Called New Detroit

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Jim Webb Wants to Be President. Too Bad He’s Awful on Climate Change.

Mother Jones

Hillary Clinton may be dominating every poll of potential Democratic hopefuls for the White House, but some progressives are desperate to find a candidate who will challenge her from the left. Groups have sprung up to encourage Elizabeth Warren to take a stab at the nomination, but with the Massachusetts senator repeatedly saying she isn’t running, liberal activists will likely have to turn elsewhere—perhaps to socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders (Vt.) or Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley—if they aren’t satisfied with Clinton. But so far, the only Democratic alternative officially in the race is former Virginia Sen. Jim Webb, who launched an exploratory committee in November.

A former Secretary of the Navy under President Ronald Reagan, Webb is being touted by some on the left as an Appalachian populist who could champion causes Clinton would rather ignore. The Nation‘s William Greider, for example, lauded Webb’s presidential ambitions in a column headlined “Why Jim Webb Could be Hillary Clinton’s Worst Nightmare.” Greider praised Webb’s non-interventionist tendencies in foreign policy (Webb was a vocal opponent of the Iraq War). “I think of him as a vanguard politician—that rare type who is way out ahead of conventional wisdom and free to express big ideas the media herd regards as taboo,” Greider wrote, while acknowledging that Webb was unlikely to win.

There’s at least one key issue, however, on which Webb’s record is far from progressive: global warming. That’s a big deal. Unlike Obamacare and financial reform, much of the progress President Barack Obama has made on climate change rests on executive actions that his successor could undo. At first glance, Webb might look like a typical Democrat when it comes to environmental policy. The League of Conservation Voters gives him a lifetime score of 81 percent—on par with Hillary Clinton’s 82 percent rating, though far below Sanders at 95 percent. And unlike most of the Republican presidential hopefuls, he acknowledges that humans are causing climate change. He even supports solving the problem—at least in theory.

But when it came to actual legislation, Webb used his six years in the US Senate to stand in the way of Democratic efforts to combat climate change. Virginia, after all, is a coal state, and Webb regularly stood up for the coal industry, earning the ire of environmentalists. As Grist‘s Ben Adler succinctly summed it up, “Jim Webb sucks on climate change.”

Perhaps Webb’s biggest break with the standard Democratic position on climate is his vocal opposition to the use of EPA rules under the Clean Air Act to limit carbon emissions from coal power plants. Earlier this year, the Obama administration proposed regulations that could cut existing coal plant emissions by as much as 30 percent below 2005 levels by 2030. Those new rules became a key factor in the historic climate deal Obama recently reached with China, and they will almost certainly figure prominently in next year’s Paris climate negotiations. But back in 2011, Webb went to the floor of the Senate to denounce the idea that the federal government has the power to regulate carbon emissions under existing law. “I am not convinced the Clean Air Act was ever intended to regulate or classify as a dangerous pollutant something as basic and ubiquitous in our atmosphere as carbon dioxide,” he said.

Webb also supported legislation from fellow coal-state Sen. Jay Rockefeller (D-W.Va.) that would have delayed the EPA’s authority to add new rules governing coal plant emissions. “This regulatory framework is so broad and potentially far reaching that it could eventually touch nearly every facet of this nation’s economy, putting unnecessary burdens on our industries and driving many businesses overseas through policies that have been implemented purely at the discretion of the executive branch and absent the clearly stated intent of the Congress,” he said in a release.

But Webb’s opposition to major climate initiatives wasn’t limited to executive action. In 2008, Democrats (and a few Republicans) in Congress tried to pass a cap-and-trade bill that was intended to slow global warming by putting a price on carbon emissions. The bill would have likely been vetoed by then-President George W. Bush, but it never got that far. Webb was part of a cohort of Senate Democrats who blocked the measure. “We need to be able to address a national energy strategy and then try to work on environmental efficiencies as part of that plan,” Webb told Politico at the time. “We can’t just start with things like emission standards at a time when we’re at a crisis with the entire national energy policy.”

When cap and trade came up again in 2009—this time with Barack Obama in the Oval Office—Webb again played a major role in preventing the bill from passing the Senate. “It’s an enormously complex thing to implement,” Webb said of the 2009 bill. “There are a lot of people in the middle between the ‘cap’ and the ‘trade’ that are going to make a lot of money.” Webb also voted to prevent Senate Democrats from using budget reconciliation procedures to pass a cap and trade bill with simple majority, essentially dooming any hope for serious climate legislation during the first years of Obama’s presidency.

That same year, Obama attended a United Nations summit in Copenhagen in a failed bid to hammer out an international climate accord. Obama sought a limited, nonbinding agreement in which the US and other countries would pledge to reduce their CO2 output. Webb wasn’t having it. Before Obama went abroad, Webb sent the president a letter asserting that he lacked the “unilateral power” to make such a deal.

Coal wasn’t the only polluting industry that found an ally in Webb. After the BP oil spill in 2010, the Obama administration put a hold on new offshore oil drilling, which provoked Webb. “In placing such a broad moratorium on offshore drilling, the Obama Administration has over-reacted to the circumstances surrounding the Deepwater Horizon disaster,” Webb said in a press release. At other times, Webb championed drilling projects off Virginia’s coasts and voted regularly for bills that would expand the territory in which oil companies could plant rigs offshore. “Unbelievable,” the Sierra Club once remarked of Webb’s support for offshore drilling. In 2012, Webb was one of just four Democrats in the Senate who voted to keep tax loopholes for oil companies.

But it’s Webb’s support for coal that most concerns environmentalists. “Jim Webb is an apologist for the coal industry,” says Brad Johnson, a climate activist who runs the website Hill Heat. “Unfortunately he doesn’t seem to realize that greenhouse pollution is the greatest threat we face to economic justice in this nation.”

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Jim Webb Wants to Be President. Too Bad He’s Awful on Climate Change.

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