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Greenpeace wants to keep coal in the ground by buying up mines and power plants

Greenpeace wants to keep coal in the ground by buying up mines and power plants

By on 15 Oct 2015commentsShare

Cheap coal isn’t usually good news for the environment. When fossil fuel prices tank, it’s a lot harder to convince governments (and the private sector) to invest in renewables. But if you’re Greenpeace Sweden, cheap coal isn’t so bad. Cheap coal means you can afford to buy a German lignite mine and a handful of coal-fired power plants.

But wait, you’re thinking, Greenpeace hates coal. Lignite is brown coal. What are they going to do? Just let it sit there? Avast, fools!

Wily, discerning reader, that’s exactly what they’re going to do. And it’s not an awful idea. A good way to ensure dollars spent on “keeping it in the ground” actually go toward keeping fossil fuels unburned is to buy a bunch of fossil fuels and keep them in the ground.

The idea isn’t completely new. Bård Harstad of Northwestern University described a similar supply side solution in 2012, and data analyst Matt Frost proposed a related coal retirement plan in 2013. Frost suggested that one way for the U.S. to curb carbon emissions would be to allow activists and energy sector competitors to purchase coal reserves from the federal government — the largest owner of coal in the country — with the intent of letting the reserves remain untouched. He writes:

Strategically shrewd “investors” in unmined coal, motivated by the desire to prevent its mining and prop up its price, would start buying up tracts with the most economically viable reserves and continue down the supply curve, ideally until the spot price for coal meets that of natural gas. This would encourage the fuel-switching that is already underway in the U.S., thanks to the shale gas boom and recent regulations restricting coal.

Frost’s idea is slightly different from that of Greenpeace Sweden in that it’s slightly broader and more forward-looking. All else held constant, buying up coal reserves (and not doing anything with them) should result in higher coal prices — which makes things like natural gas (and renewable sources) more competitive. Of course, gas isn’t a perfect solution, but it’s certainly better than coal, and you can also imagine eventually applying the logic to shale fields, as well.

Greenpeace may not have an eye toward the macroeconomics at play, but the main thrust of the argument is the same: A dollar spent on literally keeping fossil fuels in the ground is a dollar well spent. Frost’s proposal continues:

Today, a climate activist who hopes to convert money into carbon mitigation can choose from among several different bank shots, such as political engagement, purchasing carbon offsets, or investing in alternative energy. In all these approaches, uncertainty and complexity dilute the carbon-reducing value of each dollar spent. Buying undeveloped fossil fuel and preventing it from ever being combusted results in both the direct benefit of sequestering the CO2 and the secondary effect of nudging prices upward by reducing coal available to other buyers. Private citizens and philanthropists could use their own funds to lock up coal reserves and corner the market, rather than lavishing money on political operatives and consultants and launching advocacy projects of dubious impact.

Of course, plenty of variables are relevant here. It’s not immediately obvious that the owners of coal — at least, the federal owners of coal — are the relevant players, for example. Peabody Energy doesn’t necessarily care about what the U.S. government does with the 88 billion tons of coal reserves that it owns, because Peabody already has 8.2 billion tons of coal reserves all to itself; unless, of course, the U.S. magically sells off the entirety of its reserves to Greenpeace for pennies on the dollar.

Which is also to say that the effectiveness of supply side coal retirement plans depends on their uptake at a pretty massive scale. We wouldn’t expect the purchase of a single coal mine or plant to affect the entire energy landscape.

If anything, though, the policy is worth a perusal — and in the meantime, it’s encouraging to see NGOs giving the concept a shot in other countries. If anyone wants to go halfsies on a German coal mine, let me know.

Source:

Coal Retirement Plan

, MWFrost.com.

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Greenpeace wants to keep coal in the ground by buying up mines and power plants

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Meet the Senate’s New Climate Denial Caucus

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Their views range from tepid acceptance of the science to flat-out rejection. Shutterstock Well, folks, it wasn’t such a great night on the climate action front. It looks like the millions of dollars that environmental philanthropist Tom Steyer invested in the midterms didn’t buy much other than a fledgling political infrastructure to sock away for 2016. With Republicans now in control of the Senate, we’re likely to see a bill to push through the Keystone XL pipeline coming down the pike soon. And Mitch McConnell, probably the coal industry’s biggest booster, retained his seat. In fact, McConnell and his climate-denying colleague James Inhofe of Oklahoma—the likely chair of the Senate’s Environment and Public Works committee—won a lot of new friends on Capitol Hill last night. It probably won’t surprise you to learn that most of the Senate’s newly elected Republicans are big boosters of fossil fuels and don’t agree with the mainstream scientific consensus on global warming. Here’s an overview of their statements on climate change, ranging from a few who seem to at least partly accept to science to those who flat-out reject it. Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska): In September, Sullivan, a former Alaska attorney general, said “the jury’s out” on whether climate change is manmade. (Actually, the jury came in, for the umpteenth time, just this week.) He repeated that position last month, when he said the role human-caused greenhouse gases play in global warming is “a question scientists are still debating,” adding that “we shouldn’t lock up America’s resources and kill tens of thousands of good jobs by continuing to pursue the President’s anti-energy policies.” Tom Cotton (R-Ark.): Cotton has seized on a common but misleading notion among climate change deniers: “The simple fact is that for the last 16 years the earth’s temperature has not warmed.” He admits, however, that “it’s most likely that human activity has contributed to some of” the temperature increase of the last hundred years. Still, he supports building new coal plants and the Keystone XL pipeline. Cory Gardner (R-Colo.): Gardner is shifty on the issue. In a debate last month, he wouldn’t give a straight yes-or-no answer on whether mankind has contributed to global warming. “I believe that the climate is changing, I disagree to the extent that it’s been in the news,” that humans are responsible, he said. Yet at the same time, he admitted that “pollution contributes” to climate change. David Perdue (R-Ga.): “In science, there’s an active debate going on” about whether climate change is real, Perdue told Slate this year, adding that if there are climate-related impacts to Georgia’s coast, some smart person will figure out how to deal with them. Perdue has also slammed the Obama administration for waging a “war on coal” and has called the EPA’s new carbon emission rules “shortsighted.” Joni Ernst (R-Iowa): Ernst is another rider on the “I don’t know” bandwagon. “I don’t know the science behind climate change,” she told an audience in September. She also hedged the question beautifully in a May interview with The Hill: “I haven’t seen proven proof that it is entirely man-made.” But she supports recycling! Bill Cassidy/Mary Landrieu (La.): This race is going to a runoff. Landrieu, the incumbent Democrat, has never been much of a climate hawk—she recently said humans do contribute to observed climate change but criticized Obama for “singling out” the oil industry for regulation. But at least she’s better on global warming than Cassidy, her Republican challenger, who flatly denies that climate change exists. He said last month that “global temperatures have not risen in 15 years.” Steve Daines (R-Mont.): Daines is a harsh critic of Obama’s energy and climate policies, which he said “threaten nearly 5,000 Montana jobs and would cause Montana’s electricity prices to skyrocket.” While in the House, he signed a pledge that he will “oppose any legislation relating to climate change that includes a net increase in government revenue.” He believes global warming, to the extent that it exists, is probably caused by solar cycles. Tom Tillis (R-N.C.): During a North Carolina Republican primary debate, all four candidates laughed out loud when asked if they believed climate change is a “fact.” Ha! Ha! Then they all said, “No.” Later, Tillis expanded on that position, arguing in a debate with his Democratic rival, Sen. Kay Hagan, that “the point is the liberal agenda, the Obama agenda, the Kay Hagan agenda, is trying to use [climate change] as a Trojan horse for their energy policy.” Ben Sasse (R-Neb.): Sasse hasn’t said much about climate science, but he supports building the Keystone XL pipeline and opening up more federal land for oil and gas drilling. He also wants to “encourage the production of coal.” James Lankford (R-Okla.): As a member of the House, Lankford called global warming a “myth.” He also, along with Gardner, Cotton, Shelley Moore Capito (R. W.Va.), Cassidy, and Daines, voted to prevent the Pentagon from considering the national security impacts of global warming, even though top Defense Department officials have repeatedly issued warnings that climate change could worsen conflicts around the world. Lankford also floated an amendment to an energy appropriations bill that would have blocked funding for research related to the social costs of carbon pollution. Mike Rounds (R-S.C.): Rounds appears to accept at least some of the science on climate change. As governor of South Dakota, Rounds said that “there are a number of different causes that we recognize, and the scientists recognize, are the cause of global warming,” and that humans are “absolutely” one of those. He fervently supports the Keystone pipeline. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.): In a debate last month, Capito said, “I don’t necessarily think the climate’s changing, no.” Then she clarified that her opinion might change with the weather: “Yes it’s changing, it changes all the time, we heard it raining out there,” she said. “I’m sure humans are contributing to it.” I have no idea what that is supposed to mean. Capito is also a founding member of the Congressional Coal Caucus.

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Meet the Senate’s New Climate Denial Caucus

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Meet the Senate’s New Climate Denial Caucus

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for November 12, 2013

Mother Jones

An Infantry Training Battalion student looks for an enemy in nearby trees during Patrol Week near Camp Geiger, N.C., on Oct. 28, 2013. patrol week is a five-day training event that teaches infantry students basic offensive, defensive and patrolling techniques. Delta Company is the first infantry training company to fully integrate female Marines into an entire training cycle. This and future companies will evaluate the performance of the female Marines as part of ongoing research into opening combat-related job fields to women. U.S. Marine Corps photo by Sgt. Tyler L. Main/Released.

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for November 12, 2013

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