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College Athletes Just Lost a Big Battle. Here’s Where the NCAA Pay War Is Headed Next.

Mother Jones

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On Monday, a labor board decision put an end to the unionization bid by a group of Northwestern football players hoping to gain benefits through collective bargaining.

But the National Labor Relations Board’s move to dismiss the case by deferring judgment on narrow, jurisdictional grounds was, for some experts, a surprising result. Monday’s decision overturned a March 2014 ruling by a regional office that found college athletes could collectively bargain as university employees under federal labor law. With the decision, the votes, cast in a secret ballot last April, will be destroyed.

We spoke to Michael LeRoy, a University of Illinois law professor who focuses on labor issues, to figure out what’s next for college athletes after the NRLB’s decision. Here are four takeaways from the case:

The board punted on whether athletes are employees—and that shows how wide-reaching this case was: The crux of the NRLB’s decision came down to whether the athletes were considered university employees and therefore had the right to unionize. The board chose not to “assert jurisdiction,” meaning it would not make a decision in this particular case. Weighing in, the board argued, would “not serve to promote stability in labor relations.”

Instead, the NLRB noted that a union at Northwestern, the only private school in the Big Ten Conference, would’ve disrupted the structure of the NCAA, which is made up mostly of public universities outside the board’s jurisdiction. A decision to allow unionization at one private school would have given athletes there the chance to collectively bargain over employment benefits—and that, LeRoy argued, would have given Northwestern a competitive advantage in recruiting athletes over other teams.

The board “left the problem at the doorstep and didn’t even put it in the house for consideration,” LeRoy said. “My sense is that by common law, the players look a lot like employees. It’s beyond problematic to have only one school that can offer players pay and benefits, while all the other Division I schools are restricted by NCAA rules.”

Monday’s ruling ends unionization efforts at all private schools: While the decision focused on Northwestern’s case, the national board’s decision set a precedent for regional boards considering similar cases, LeRoy says. So if college athletes at, say, Notre Dame—one of the 17 other private schools in the NCAA’s big-time football division, the Football Bowl Subdivision—banded together and tried to form a union, their appeal would likely be denied.

Still, as Michael McCann pointed out on SI.com, athletes at public institutions in more labor-friendly states could challenge the athletes-as-employees question before regional boards, which would make interpretations based on the state’s laws. (Legislators in Ohio and Michigan revised statutes after Northwestern’s petition was filed declaring that college athletes at state schools were not considered employees and therefore could not unionize.)

The College Athletes Players Association must switch things up: The board halted a much larger effort by the labor group to improve the athletes’ well-being through collective bargaining. CAPA could bring its case to a federal appeals court through a complicated legal process, but, as ESPN legal analyst Lester Munson noted, such an effort is unlikely to succeed. Instead, CAPA might try lobbying Congress to improve athletes benefits, as representatives did last March; organizing protests; or calling for an amendment to the National Labor Relations Act to include a definition for college athletes. (The latter is “highly improbable” to happen, LeRoy said.)

LeRoy says college athletes could also turn to antitrust litigation as a model for seeking damages in the future. NCAA members have for years debated whether to seek an antitrust exemption, handing over some power to the federal government in exchange for protection. “If you have an antitrust court rule that players are engaged in athletic labor and these rules are unduly restrictive, instead of bargaining for a wage, they can bargain for damages,” LeRoy said.

A landmark antitrust ruling last August found that the NCAA had violated federal law by not paying football and basketball players for their image and likeness. (The NCAA appealed the ruling.) A second antitrust case alleging that athletic scholarships wrongly limits player compensation, if won, could further challenge the NCAA’s view of college sports as the bastion of amateurism. “This is a setback for CAPA, but not at all an end to their efforts,” LeRoy added.

Conditions for college athletes are starting to improve: Buried on page six of the seven-page opinion, the NRLB acknowledges that recent calls for NCAA-wide reform have benefited college athletes. The organization’s recent decision to allow its five wealthiest conferences to award athletes four-year guaranteed scholarships, it notes, “has reduced the likelihood that scholarship players who become unable to play will lose their educational funding.” The NCAA also granted college athletes access to unlimited meals. And starting this fall, Pac-12 schools will be required to extend health benefits to former college players who suffered injuries on the field. (While the Pac-12 policy addresses a long-standing criticism over providing athletes health care coverage after their playing days are over, concerns linger regarding how each school will pay out those benefits in the coming years.)

“The NCAA woke up and paid attention to the players’ concerns,” LeRoy said. “In some sense, CAPA and the Northwestern players have been pioneers. They’ve been successful, even though it didn’t come out the way they wanted.”

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College Athletes Just Lost a Big Battle. Here’s Where the NCAA Pay War Is Headed Next.

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Our Anti-ISIS Program in Syria Is a Bad Joke

Mother Jones

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So how are we doing in our efforts to train moderate Syrian allies to help us in the fight against ISIS? Here’s the New York Times two days ago:

A Pentagon program to train moderate Syrian insurgents to fight the Islamic State has been vexed by problems of recruitment, screening, dismissals and desertions that have left only a tiny band of fighters ready to do battle.

Those fighters — 54 in all — suffered perhaps their most embarrassing setback yet on Thursday. One of their leaders, a Syrian Army defector who recruited them, was abducted in Syria near the Turkish border, along with his deputy who commands the trainees….Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter has acknowledged the shortfalls, citing strict screening standards, which have created a backlog of 7,000 recruits waiting to be vetted. Mr. Carter has insisted the numbers will increase.

Okay, I guess 54 is a….start. So how good are they? Here’s the New York Times today:

A Syrian insurgent group at the heart of the Pentagon’s effort to fight the Islamic State came under intense attack on Friday….The American-led coalition responded with airstrikes to help the American-aligned unit, known as Division 30, in fighting off the assault….The attack on Friday was mounted by the Nusra Front, which is affiliated with Al Qaeda. It came a day after the Nusra Front captured two leaders and at least six fighters of Division 30, which supplied the first trainees to graduate from the Pentagon’s anti-Islamic State training program.

….“This wasn’t supposed to happen like this,” said one former senior American official, who was working closely on Syria issues until recently, and who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential intelligence assessments….Division 30 said in a statement that five of its fighters were killed in the firefight on Friday, 18 were wounded and 20 were captured by the Nusra Front. It was not clear whether the 20 captives included the six fighters and two commanders captured a day earlier.

Let’s see, that adds up to either 43 or 51 depending on how you count. Starting with 54, then, it looks like Division 30 has either 11 or 3 fighters left, and no commanders. But apparently that’s not so bad!

A spokesman for the American military, Col. Patrick S. Ryder, wrote in an email statement that “we are confident that this attack will not deter Syrians from joining the program to fight for Syria,” and added that the program “is making progress.”

….A senior defense official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss intelligence reports, described what he called “silver linings” to the attack on Friday: that the trainees had fought effectively in the battle, and that coalition warplanes responded quickly with airstrikes to support them.

The trainees fought effectively? There are no more than a dozen still able to fight. That’s not the same definition of “effective” that most of us have. As for the US Air Force responding quickly, that’s great. But the quality of the US Air Force has never really been in question.

This is starting to make Vietnam look like a well-oiled machine. Stay tuned.

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Our Anti-ISIS Program in Syria Is a Bad Joke

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Obama Announces Bold New Decade-Old Strategy in Iraq

Mother Jones

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Here’s our bold, new, never-before-tried strategy for beating ISIS:

In a major shift of focus in the battle against the Islamic State, the Obama administration is planning to establish a new military base in Anbar Province, Iraq, and to send up to 450 more American military trainers to help Iraqi forces retake the city of Ramadi.

….To assemble a force to retake Ramadi, the number of Iraqi tribal fighters in Anbar who are trained and equipped is expected to increase to as many as 10,000 from about 5,500.

More than 3,000 new Iraqi soldiers are to be recruited to fill the ranks of the Seventh Iraqi Army division in Anbar and the Eighth Iraqi Army division, which is in Habbaniyah, where the Iraqi military operations center for the province is also based.

Roger that. More American “trainers.” More Iraqi fighters, who will turn out to be great this time. Honest. Oh, and a brand new target: Ramadi instead of Mosul.

Should work like a dream. I can’t think of anything that could go wrong this time.

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Obama Announces Bold New Decade-Old Strategy in Iraq

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This Is What the FBI Really Thought About LBJ’s Top Civil Rights Lawyer

Mother Jones

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Few people in the federal government did as much for the civil rights movement as John Doar. As a lawyer in the Department of Justice, he rode through the South with the Freedom Riders in 1961, investigated the murders of three civil rights workers in 1964, and at one point in Jackson, Mississippi, put himself between police and demonstrators to defuse a violent situation using only his reputation. As the New York Times recounted in his obituary last year:

“My name is John Doar—D-O-A-R,” he shouted to the crowd. “I’m from the Justice Department, and anybody here knows what I stand for is right.” That qualified as a full-length speech from the laconic Mr. Doar. At his continued urging, the crowd slowly melted away.

The FBI’s files on Doar, which was released to Mother Jones this week under the Freedom of Information Act, included a fascinating behind-the-scenes glimpse of how J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI viewed this civil rights crusader. When he was promoted to head the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice by President Lyndon Johnson in 1964, for instance, agents noted that Doar had been “straightened out” after complaining about the bureau’s slow response to civil rights violations in the Deep South:

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His file also contained an interview with a former colleague of Doar’s which revealed a persistent character flaw—he cared way too much about civil rights and prioritized such cases over other issues:

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All was not forgiven, despite what the memo to Hoover suggested. In 1967, after Doar had resigned from the Civil Rights Division and taken a new job in Brooklyn, an agent proposed using the former adversary as a liaison in handling racial unrest in Bedford-Stuyvesant. Hoover and his deputy, Clyde Tolson, gave the proposal an emphatic rejection:

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You can read the FBI’s full file on Doar here.

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This Is What the FBI Really Thought About LBJ’s Top Civil Rights Lawyer

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Study: Monsanto’s Roundup Herbicide Probably Causes Cancer

Mother Jones

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Monsanto has assured the public over and over that its flagship Roundup herbicide doesn’t cause cancer. But that may soon change. In a stunning assessment (free registration required) published in The Lancet, a working group of scientists convened by the World Health Organization reviewed the recent research on glyphosate, the key ingredient in Roundup and the globe’s most widely used weed-killing chemical, and found it “probably carcinogenic to humans.”

The authors cited three studies that suggest occupational glyphosate exposure (e.g., for farm workers) causes “increased risks for non-Hodgkin lymphoma that persisted after adjustment for other pesticides.” They also point to both animal and human studies suggesting that the chemical, both in isolation and in the mix used in the fields by farmers, “induced DNA and chromosomal damage in mammals, and in human and animal cells in vitro”; and another one finding “increases in blood markers of chromosomal damage” in residents of several farm communities after spraying of glyphosate formulations.

Monsanto first rolled out glyphosate herbicides in 1974, and by the mid-1990s began rolling out corn, soy, and cotton seeds genetically altered to resist it. Last year, herbicide-tolerant crops accounted for 94 percent of soybeans and 89 percent of corn, two crops that cover more than half of US farmland. The rise of so-called Roundup Ready crops has led to a spike in glyphosate use, a 2012 paper by Washington State University researcher Charles Benbrook showed.

Benbrook told me the WHO’s assessment is “the most surprising thing I’ve heard in 30 years” of studying agriculture. Though a critic of the agrichemical industry, Benbrook has long seen glyphosate as a “relatively benign” herbicide. The WHO report challenges that widely held view, he said. “I had thought WHO might find it to be a ‘possible’ carcinogen,” Benbrook said. “‘Probable,’ I did not expect.”

He added that the report delivered no specific conclusions about the dosage glyphosate requires to trigger cancer. But given that US Geological Survey researchers have found it in detectable levels in air, rain, and streams in heavy-usage regions, that it’s widely used in parks, that it has also been found in food residues (though the US Department of Agriculture does not regularly test for it), the Environmental Protection Agency will likely come under heavy pressure to demand new research on it. Most US research on glyphosate, Benbrook added, has focused on the chemical in isolation. But in the real world, glyphosate is mixed with other chemicals, called surfactants and adjuvants, that enhance their weed-slaying power. Importantly, some of the research used in the WHO assessment came from outside the US and looked at real-world herbicide formulations.

Monsanto shares closed nearly 2 percent lower Monday as investors digested the news. It’s not heard to see why they’re squeamish. The agribusiness giant is most known for its high-tech seeds, but its old-line herbicide business remains quite the cash cow, as its 2014 annual report shows. That year, the division reaped about a third of the company’s $15.8 billion in total sales. Indeed, Monsanto’s herbicide sales grew at a robust 13 percent in 2014 clip, vs. an anemic 4 percent for its other division, seeds and genomics.

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Study: Monsanto’s Roundup Herbicide Probably Causes Cancer

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A second giant blob of Antarctic ice is getting ready to drown us

A second giant blob of Antarctic ice is getting ready to drown us

By on 17 Mar 2015commentsShare

Remember when we found out last year that the West Antarctic ice sheet had started to collapse, that the collapse more or less can’t be stopped, and that it will eventually result in 10 to 15 feet of sea-level rise? Now we have some more bad news of that caliber.

An enormous glacier, one on the other side of the continent from the ailing ice sheet, is doing pretty much the same thing, researchers have discovered. Chris Mooney reports for The Washington Post:

The findings about East Antarctica emerge from a new paper just out in Nature Geoscience by an international team of scientists representing the United States, Britain, France, and Australia. They flew a number of research flights over the Totten Glacier of East Antarctica — the fastest-thinning sector of the world’s largest ice sheet — and took a variety of measurements to try to figure out the reasons behind its retreat. And the news wasn’t good: It appears that Totten, too, is losing ice because warm ocean water is getting underneath it. …

The floating ice shelf of the Totten Glacier covers an area of 90 miles by 22 miles. It it is losing an amount of ice “equivalent to 100 times the volume of Sydney Harbour every year,” notes the Australian Antarctic Division.

That’s alarming, because the glacier holds back a much more vast catchment of ice that, were its vulnerable parts to flow into the ocean, could produce a sea level rise of more than 11 feet — which is comparable to the impact from a loss of the West Antarctica ice sheet. And that’s “a conservative lower limit,” says lead study author Jamin Greenbaum, a PhD candidate at the University of Texas at Austin.

If you haven’t already done the math, this means we could see well upwards of 20 feet of sea-level rise over the next few centuries, double the rise expected from the West Antarctic ice sheet alone — and those are conservative estimates.

Though it’ll be awful for the entire world, the newly liberated Antarctic ice melt will affect some of us more than others. The Northern Hemisphere (including, of course, North America) will be hit particularly hard: As Antarctica melts, it exercises less gravitational pull on the seas, and will head northward.

Researchers have made it pretty clear that the West Antarctic ice sheet’s collapse is unstoppable. The Totten Glacier has almost reached that same point. “The ice loss to the ocean may soon be irreversible unless atmospheric and oceanic conditions change so that snowfall outpaces coastal melting,” the researchers said in a press release. So with climate change moving forward — something that’s not likely to change anytime soon — it’s probably too late for both of these ice blobs. “[I]t’s difficult to see how a process that starts now would be reversed, or reversible, in a warming world,” one of the study’s coauthors, Martin Siegert, told Mooney.

So maybe just cross your fingers and hope that your grandchildren are born with gills.

Source:
The melting of Antarctica was already really bad. It just got worse.

, The Washington Post.

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A second giant blob of Antarctic ice is getting ready to drown us

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UAB Faculty Senate Considers Vote Against All That Annoying Faculty Stuff

Mother Jones

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Earlier this month, Ray Watts, the president of the University of Alabama at Birmingham, announced that UAB would be dropping its Division I football program, the first university to do so in 20 years. I haven’t paid much attention to the fallout, but today the LA Times summarizes the swift reaction:

Watts said the decision was strictly financial: After spending $20 million each year subsidizing an unsuccessful team, it was time for UAB to cut its losses and put academics before athletics.

….These are fighting words in Alabama. After announcing his decision Dec. 2, Watts needed police officers to escort him through a crowd of angry fans outside Legion Field, the school’s outdated off-campus stadium, where he met with Blazer players and coaches.

….All of a sudden, almost everyone is a football cheerleader: The City Council passed a motion in support of UAB football; the university’s Faculty Senate drafted a resolution of no confidence in Watts.

Look, I get that the football players are angry. I even get that all the boosters who hadn’t stepped up before are now swearing that they would have donated millions of dollars to keep the program alive if only Watts had asked them. But the Faculty Senate? At a bare minimum, shouldn’t they have had the back of a president who wanted to stop draining money from academics into football, even if no one else did? Yeesh.

Anyway, the gist of the story is that without a consistently losing football program to rally around, UAB is now certain to wither away and die. Why would anyone want to be be a student there, after all? What’s left? A bunch of hoity toity classes and labs and stuff? What a waste of some perfectly nice property in the middle of town.

UPDATE: Apparently my reading comprehension is weak today. As the Times story says, the Faculty Senate is considering a no-confidence motion in Watts, but hasn’t actually voted on it yet. That won’t happen until January 15.

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UAB Faculty Senate Considers Vote Against All That Annoying Faculty Stuff

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Here’s Why the Feds Are Investigating Ferguson

Mother Jones

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Last Friday, the Department of Justice announced that FBI agents were working with attorneys from the Civil Rights Division and US Attorney’s Office to conduct what Attorney General Eric Holder promised would be a “thorough and complete investigation” into the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. Since then, more than 40 FBI agents have arrived in the St. Louis suburb to interview witnesses and canvas the neighborhood where Brown was shot by a police officer on August 9.

On Wednesday, the AG himself arrived in Ferguson for a series of meetings with federal investigators, local authorities, and community members. Writing in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Holder said, “At a time when so much may seem uncertain, the people of Ferguson can have confidence that the Justice Department intends to learn—in a fair and thorough manner—exactly what happened.”

What exactly happens when the feds step in to investigate a case like Michael Brown’s? A quick explainer:

What is the Justice Department investigating? According to Holder, the DOJ is specifically investigating “the shooting death of Michael Brown,” and “looking for violations of federal, criminal civil rights statutes.” The investigation is separate from local authorities’ investigation. Some have asked the DOJ to take a broader view: In a letter to Holder on August 11, Reps. John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.), Marcia L. Fudge (D-Ohio), and William Lacy Clay (D-Mo.) asked the DOJ to consider expanding the scope of its investigation to include “the potential for any pattern or practice of police misconduct by the Ferguson Police Department.” Meanwhile, the US Commission on Civil Rights, a panel appointed by the president and members of Congress, has asked the DOJ to look into the disproportionately low representation of African Americans on Ferguson’s police force and city council. It remains to be seen if the DOJ will broaden its investigation beyond Brown’s death.

What could happen as a result of the DOJ investigation? The findings of the investigation could lead to a federal prosecution against Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson, who shot and killed Brown.

Who is conducting the investigation? So far, three branches of the DOJ are working together on the federal investigation. More than 40 FBI agents from the St. Louis field office are canvassing the area and interviewing witnesses. They’re working with the Civil Rights Division and the US Attorney’s Office, which would handle a potential prosecution. Within the Civil Rights Division, two sections may be involved: There’s the Criminal Section, which “prosecutes cases involving the violent interference with liberties and rights defined in the Constitution or federal law,” including excessive use of force by police officers; also, the Special Litigation Section conducts investigations into systematic violations of civil rights by state and local institutions, including police departments. However, DOJ spokesperson Dena Iverson did not clarify in an email to Mother Jones which section is involved in the Ferguson investigation.

What triggered the investigation? Generally, DOJ investigations into civil rights violations can begin in response to an official complaint filed with the Civil Rights Division, or in response to major events like those in Ferguson. The CRD has not said if there was an official complaint filed by citizens, or if the department decided to initiate the investigation on its own. “There’s no rule book” that the department follows to determine if a case warrants an investigation, explains Samuel Walker, a criminal-justice scholar at the University of Nebraska-Omaha. The Civil Rights Division doesn’t announce all of its investigative activities. The agency has not responded to a request for comment on what percentage of incoming complaints it decides to investigate, and why. But back in 2012, then-DOJ spokeswoman Xochitl Hinojosa told my colleague AJ Vicens that “the department investigates each jurisdiction based on the allegations received. There is no one-size-fits all approach to our investigations or our settlements.”

Where else besides Ferguson is the DOJ investigating civil rights violations? The Civil Rights Division’s Special Litigation Section is currently investigating systematic violations of civil rights by law enforcement in at least 34 other jurisdictions across 17 states plus the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands, according to a list on the DOJ website. But these cases are different from the investigation in Ferguson, which so far appears to be focused on Wilson’s shooting of Brown, which would fall under the CRD’s Criminal Section. According to its website, the Special Litigation Section can step in “if we find a pattern or practice by the law enforcement agency that systemically violates people’s rights. Harm to a single person, or isolated action, is usually not enough to show a pattern or practice that violates these laws.” The Criminal Section, meanwhile, lists 17 past investigations into criminal misconduct by law enforcement officials in 11 states.

The Justice Department’s Office for Civil Rights, which is separate from the Civil Rights Division, monitors discrimination in DOJ-funded state and local law enforcement institutions. In a May 2013 memo, OCR reported that over the previous four years, it handled 346 discrimination complaints, many of them alleging that federally funded law enforcement agencies “engaged in unlawful racial profiling in conducting traffic stops.”

Since when does the DOJ investigate civil rights violations? The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 authorizes the Civil Rights Division’s Special Litigation Section “to review the practices of law enforcement agencies that may be violating people’s federal rights,” and oversees cases involving discrimination—prohibited under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964—in state or local agencies receiving federal funds. As a result of these special litigation cases dating back to 1997, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reports that 21 police departments across the country have signed consent agreements with the DOJ to improve their procedures and policies, often the use of force and relationships with minority communities. Samuel Walker says that the number of these cases fell dramatically during the Bush administration, but picked back up under the Obama administration, which has doubled the size of the special litigations unit. While criminal civil rights prosecutions under the DOJ date back to 1939, the Criminal Section’s powers were limited until the Civil Rights Division was created in 1957 as part of the Civil Rights Act.

How else is the DOJ involved in Ferguson? Holder has announced that the DOJ’s COPS (Community-Oriented Policing Services) office and Office of Justice Programs are also assisting local authorities “in order to help conduct crowd control and maintain public safety without relying on unnecessarily extreme displays of force.” It’s unclear how this assistance has played out on the streets of Ferguson. Holder added that Justice Department officials from the Community Relations Service are also helping “convene law enforcement officials and civic and faith leaders to plot out steps to reduce tensions in the community.”

When will we see some results from the investigation? It may be a while before the feds publicly announce the initial findings of their investigation. As Holder wrote in Wednesday’s St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “Long after the events of Aug. 9 have receded from the headlines, the Justice Department will continue to stand with this community.” For now, there are many more questions than answers.

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Here’s Why the Feds Are Investigating Ferguson

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The Latest Court Case Didn’t End the NCAA As We Know It. The Next One Might.

Mother Jones

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On Friday, a federal judge made college sports history when she ruled that the NCAA could not deny players from profiting from the use of their likenesses on TV or in video games. In doing so, Judge Claudia Wilken laid down two rules: (1) Schools can put up to $5,000 a year in a trust for athletes; and (2) they can offer more comprehensive scholarships that cover the full cost of attending college.

Many NCAA watchers have argued that the ruling in O’Bannon v. NCAA doesn’t change much, contrary to what some thought a year ago. For example, schools in the rich, successful power conferences already were moving to beef up scholarships. In the sense that the NCAA suffered a manageable setback, some have argued that it actually came out on top. But, they say, the NCAA might not be so lucky the next time around.

That’s because its upcoming legal battle could kill the governing body as we know it. Representing four former college athletes, big-time sports labor lawyer Jeffrey Kessler is targeting the NCAA and its five biggest conferences—the Atlantic Coast, the Big Ten, the Big 12, the Pacific 12, and the Southeastern—in an effort to dismantle the NCAA’s “amateur” system entirely. In a powerfully worded claim, he writes that the defendants “have lost their way far down the road of commercialism,” adding that their refusal to pay student-athletes is “illegal,” “pernicious,” and has brought “substantial damages…upon a host of college athletes whose services have yielded riches only for others.” The offering of scholarship money, he writes, is not nearly enough. “This class action is necessary to end the NCAA’s unlawful cartel, which is inconsistent with the most fundamental principles of antitrust law.”

The athletes represented in Jenkins v. NCAA—all onetime Division I basketball and football players—aren’t seeking damages, but rather an injunction that would make the status quo illegal, open up athlete compensation to market forces, and basically blow up the NCAA as currently constructed.

Michael McCann, director of the Sports and Entertainment Law Institute at the University of New Hampshire, finds that outcome unlikely. “My personal belief is that none of these cases are going to be a death blow to the NCAA,” he said over the phone. If anything, he says, the outcome of O’Bannon boosts the NCAA’s chances in the Jenkins case, especially since Wilken’s decision highlighted the limits of antitrust law and didn’t come out in favor of endorsement deals for high-profile players. “My instinct is that the NCAA probably feels better about winning the Jenkins case than it did before the O’Bannon decision.”

Still, Jenkins is by far the broadest and boldest challenge to the NCAA’s amateurism system yet, and Kessler’s involvement is an enormous boost to the cause. He’s a giant of sports law, having won the fight to secure free agency for NFL players in 1992, and his clients have included the players’ associations of the NFL and NBA, Tom Brady, and Michael Jordan. The NCAA, not to be outdone, has spent $240,000 on its congressional lobbying efforts this year, already shattering past spending records with months left to go in 2014.

Sports Illustrated‘s Andy Staples figures that the outcome of Jenkins, and the future of the NCAA, will come down to the “lifeline” Wilken tossed the NCAA: her opinion that paying college athletes more than a small amount (like $5,000 per year) could harm college sports. If the NCAA’s lawyers can make the case that fans would abandon college sports if athletes were paid pro-level salaries, the association will likely survive. If Kessler can persuade otherwise, then the NCAA as we know it could be history. “The ultimate winner,” Staples writes, “will be the one with best lawyers.”

McCann suggests, however, it may not even come to that. “This is the kind of case that could get settled,” he says. “Maybe it is resolved internally. Maybe the NCAA and conferences will get together and make some changes. The O’Bannon case took five years. This case was filed earlier this year…There may not be a resolution on this for a long time.”

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The Latest Court Case Didn’t End the NCAA As We Know It. The Next One Might.

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Here’s What Happens When You Challenge the CIA Through “Proper Channels”

Mother Jones

One of the standard criticisms of Edward Snowden is that he should have tried harder to air his concerns via proper channels. This is fairly laughable on its face, since even now the NSA insists that all its programs were legal and it continues to fight efforts to change them or release any information about them. Still, maybe Snowden should have tried. What harm could it have done?

Today, Greg Miller of the Washington Post tells us the story of Jeffrey Scudder, who worked in the CIA’s Historical Collections Division. This is a division explicitly set up to look for old documents that can be safely released to the public. Scudder discovered thousands of documents he thought should be released, and he worked diligently through channels to make this happen. When that ran into repeated roadblocks, he eventually decided to try to force the CIA’s hand—legally, openly—by filing requests under the Freedom of Information Act:

Scudder’s FOIA submissions fell into two categories: one seeking new digital copies of articles already designated for release and another aimed at articles yet to be cleared. He made spreadsheets that listed the titles of all 1,987 articles he wanted, he said, then had them scanned for classified content and got permission to take them home so he could assemble his FOIA request on personal time.

….Six months after submitting his request, Scudder was summoned to a meeting with Counterintelligence Center investigators and asked to surrender his personal computer. He was placed on administrative leave, instructed not to travel overseas and questioned by the FBI.

….On Nov. 27, 2012, a stream of black cars pulled up in front of Scudder’s home in Ashburn, Va., at 6 a.m. FBI agents seized every computer in the house, including a laptop his daughter had brought home from college for Thanksgiving. They took cellphones, storage devices, DVDs, a Nintendo Game Boy and a journal kept by his wife, a physical therapist in the Loudoun County Schools.

The search lasted nearly four hours, Scudder said. FBI agents followed his wife and daughters into their bedrooms as they got dressed, asking probing questions. “It was classic elicitation,” Scudder said. “How has Jeff been? Have you noticed any unexplained income? Cash? Mood changes?”

….Last summer, the board recommended that Scudder be fired. Around the same time, he was shown a spreadsheet outlining his possible pension packages with two figures — one large and one small — underlined. He agreed to retire.

So, um, yeah. Snowden should have tried harder to work through proper channels. What harm could it have done?

At this point, of course, I have to add the usual caveat that we have only Scudder’s side of this story. The CIA naturally declines to comment. This means it’s possible that Scudder really did do something wrong, but spun a self-serving version of his story for Miller’s benefit. We’ll never know for sure. Nonetheless, I think it’s safe to say that this isn’t exactly a testimonial for aggressively trying to work through the proper channels, even if your goal is the relatively harmless one of releasing historical documents that pose no threats to operational security at all. By comparison, it’s pretty obvious that having his pension reduced would have been the least of Snowden’s worries.

Link:

Here’s What Happens When You Challenge the CIA Through “Proper Channels”

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