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Ryan Says Obamacare Is Around for Good if Hillary Clinton Wins

Mother Jones

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HuffPo’s Jeffrey Young passes along a radio interview of Paul Ryan:

Obamacare doesn’t get repealed, likely ever, if Hillary wins….Agree?

Yes. Yes, I do agree….All of us have basically gotten to consensus on what our plan is, but we have to win an election to put it in place.

OK, that’s good to hear. Except for one thing: remember what Ryan’s predecessor said a couple of days after the 2012 election? Diane Sawyer asked John Boehner if he still planned to repeal Obamacare:

I think the election changes that. It’s pretty clear the president was reelected. Obamacare is the law of the land.

As I recall, Boehner was immediately savaged for saying this, and within a few months House Republican passed yet another Obamacare repeal. Since then they’ve voted to repeal Obamacare nearly a dozen times or so, depending on how you count. The most recent attempt was in February of this year.

If Ryan is smart, he’ll call it quits on Obamacare repeal and work instead on finding places where he can horsetrade with Hillary Clinton. Unfortunately, I don’t know if Ryan is smart. Nor do I know if his caucus will allow him to move on even if he wants to. We’ll see.

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Ryan Says Obamacare Is Around for Good if Hillary Clinton Wins

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More Legal Trouble for Paul Aides

Mother Jones

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The government’s case against the trio of operatives for Ron and Rand Paul who attempted to buy the endorsement of an Iowa state senator just got a second life. A federal judge has set a new trial date for Dimitri Kesari, a longtime Paul family operative whom an Iowa jury found guilty last month of helping cover up the pay-for-endorsement scheme in Ron Paul’s 2012 presidential campaign. The same jury deadlocked on three more specific charges, including conspiracy. Prosecutors say Kesari and two others conspired to funnel more than $73,000 to then-Iowa state Sen. Kent Sorenson in exchange for switching his endorsement from Michele Bachmann to Ron Paul in the days before the 2012 Iowa Republican caucuses.

Court filings also indicate that prosecutors might attempt to bring back similar charges against Jesse Benton, Rand Paul’s nephew-in-law, and John Tate, another Paul family ally, who were involved in the 2012 Ron Paul campaign and who, according to emails presented by prosecutors in the earlier trial, worked with with Kesari on the plan to pay Sorenson. Benton and Tate are running a super-PAC this election cycle to back the presidential campaign of Rand Paul. All three operatives were indicted in August, but the judge in the case threw out all of the charges against Tate and most of the charges against Benton, because prosecutors included improper information in the indictments against them. During the October trial at which Kesari was convicted, Benton faced one charge of lying to federal investigators about his knowledge of the plan, but was cleared by the jury.

Lawyers for Kesari and Benton did not deny that the Ron Paul campaign paid Sorenson the money, nor that it was funneled through a third party in an effort to obscure the money trail. Benton’s attorneys argued their client, who was chairman of Ron Paul’s national campaign, was largely unaware of what was happening and couldn’t be shown to have had an active role. They also worked to separate Benton from Kesari, who was the deputy campaign manager, suggesting he was largely responsible for the scheme. Kesari’s attorney took a different tack, trying to make the case that the pay-for-endorsement idea and the use of an intermediary were not crimes or particularly out of the ordinary.

Prosecutors presented hundreds of pages of emails showing the three men discussing payments to Sorenson, and both Benton and Tate seemingly approving the payments to a third party that Kesari had set up. Witnesses included Ron Paul himself and a number of current employees or consultants to Rand Paul’s 2016 presidential campaign. Sorenson, who has pleaded guilty to federal charges stemming from his role in the case, also testified, but jurors may not have found him particularly persuasive. The jury acquitted Kesari of one charge that he obstructed justice for allegedly trying to get Sorenson to alter a key piece of evidence once investigators began looking into the case. That accusation relied almost entirely on Sorenson’s testimony.

Because the jury deadlocked on the charges against Kesari, prosecutors were able to ask for a new trial for him, but must seek new indictments against Tate and Benton. In a filing today, the federal judge in the case set a new trial date for Kesari of December 14. However, the judge also noted that the government has the right to re-indict Tate and Benton, and if prosecutors do so, the judge ordered Benton and Tate’s new trial to be scheduled for February 14, two weeks after the Iowa caucuses.

For the one charge he was convicted of, Kesari already faces up to five years in federal prison.

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More Legal Trouble for Paul Aides

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Before It Cried Conspiracy, the Paul Camp Quietly Prepared for Today’s Indictments

Mother Jones

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Just hours after three Rand Paul associates were indicted on federal charges that they worked to cover up an attempt to buy an Iowa state senator’s endorsement for the 2012 Ron Paul campaign, the Paul camp is claiming that the indictments are timed to trip up the Kentucky senator on the eve of the first GOP presidential debate. All three men were involved with the 2012 Paul campaign, but have worked for the family for years, including to help get Rand Paul elected.

Shortly after the indictments were announced, Ron Paul issued a statement, saying, “I think the timing of this indictment is highly suspicious given the fact that the first primary debate is tomorrow.” Roscoe Howard, the attorney for Paul’s grandson-in-law Jesse Benton, one of the three men who were indicted and the head of a pro-Rand Paul super-PAC that is currently paying for 40 field staffers in Iowa, echoed the sentiment to the Washington Post:

“We are deeply disappointed to learn of today’s indictment by the Department of Justice,” said Howard. “Jesse Benton, a prominent conservative Republican, has cooperated with the government during its multi-year investigation. That this indictment is now suddenly announced on the eve of the first Republican Presidential debate strongly supports our belief that this is a politically motivated prosecution designed to serve a political agenda, not to achieve justice. Mr. Benton is eager to get before an impartial judge and jury who will quickly recognize this for what he believes it is: Character assassination for political gain.”

But how unexpected was this move?

First of all, the Ron Paul 2012 campaign has spent more than $434,000 on legal bills since last summer. The fees suddenly spiked around the end of July 2014, a period that, according to today’s indictment, involved meetings between Benton and federal investigators. Another of the indicted men, John Tate, who also works for the same pro-Rand Paul super-PAC, also met with federal investigators last July. The following month, a grand jury subpoenaed emails from many members of the Paul campaign. The subpoena, which was publicly leaked, listed the email accounts of all three men, as well as that of Ron Paul himself, as targets of the investigation.

Earlier this month, Eugene Delgaudio, a political activist from northern Virginia who is a friend of the third man indicted today, Dimitri Kesari, circulated an email soliciting donations for a legal defense fund for Kesari. Kesari established the fund, a nonprofit called Defenders of Liberty Legal Defense Foundation in Colorado, this past February. There are also links between Paul’s campaign and Kesari’s attorney. When Kesari appeared in court this morning in Iowa, he was represented by attorney Jesse Binnall. According to campaign filings, the Ron Paul campaign paid Binnall’s firm $20,000 on December 29, 2014 and again on Feb. 4. On June 12 of this year the campaign also wrote a $2,800 check for the firm representing Benton.

People familiar with the way the Department of Justice’s Public Integrity Section pursues indictments said it was unlikely there would not have been extensive contact between prosecutors and lawyers of the accused and an awareness that charges were coming. It is not uncommon for defense attorneys to have an opportunity before an indictment is handed down to appeal the decision to higher-ups within the Department of Justice. All evidence suggests that the indictments were hardly a surprise sprung on the Paul camp during the frantic final preparation for Thursday’s debate.

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Before It Cried Conspiracy, the Paul Camp Quietly Prepared for Today’s Indictments

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Rand Paul Didn’t Kill the Patriot Act

Mother Jones

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I was down with a stomach bug this weekend, so I didn’t follow events in the Senate as closely as I usually would have. But Rand Paul sure seems to be getting a lot more credit than he deserves for how things went down. As near as I can tell:

Mitch McConnell just flat screwed up. He figured he could panic everyone into extending the Patriot Act by waiting until Sunday to reconvene the Senate, and he figured wrong.
Rand Paul did indeed delay things by refusing unanimous consent to take up a compromise bill.
But events went the way they did because a majority of the Senate opposed McConnell and wanted a compromise bill, not because of anything Rand Paul did.
The upshot of Paul’s actions is that the compromise bill has to wait until Tuesday for a vote, which means the Patriot Act will be expired for a couple of days. This is not really a big deal in anything other than symbolic terms. The compromise bill is going to be passed one way or another, and that would have been the case regardless of anything Paul did.

Am I missing something big here? I don’t begrudge Paul getting some good press for what he did. Politics is theater, and Paul has worked hard to make this a front-page issue. Still, there just wasn’t a majority in favor of extending the Patriot Act, and that’s what made the difference.

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Rand Paul Didn’t Kill the Patriot Act

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Yep, Most of Paul Ryan’s Budget Cuts Come Out of Programs for the Poor

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A few days ago I guessed that 80+ percent of the cuts in Paul Ryan’s latest budget blueprint came from programs for the poor. Today, CBPP dives a little deeper and puts the number at 69 percent. The cuts come in five categories: health care; food assistance; college grants; other mandatory programs such as SSI, school lunches, and EITC; and miscellaneous discretionary cuts. However, CBPP warns that its 69 percent number is very likely conservative:

In cases where the Ryan budget cuts funding in a budget category but doesn’t distribute that cut among specific programs — such as its cuts in non-defense discretionary programs and its unspecified cuts in mandatory programs — we assume that all programs in that category, including programs not designed to assist low-income households, will be cut by the same percentage.

That’s definitely a risky assumption. In real life, two-thirds of those cuts would almost certainly end up coming out of programs for the poor. We’ll never know for sure because Ryan never has the guts to specify where his cuts would go, but I’m willing to bet that if Republicans were forced to provide line items for all of Ryan’s broad categories, we’d end up back at 80 percent of the cuts hitting those with low incomes.

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Yep, Most of Paul Ryan’s Budget Cuts Come Out of Programs for the Poor

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