Tag Archives: race and ethnicity

Why the San Francisco Police Department Is Under Heavy Fire

Mother Jones

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The San Francisco Police Department has faced intense criticism and growing scrutiny after two scandals involving racist texts by cops and a string of fatal officer-involved shootings, including that of 26-year-old Mario Woods. Against a backdrop of calls for reform and a hunger strike, the San Francisco Chronicle published a report in May looking at police shootings and use of force more broadly by the SFPD over the past 15 years. The Chronicle reviewed police data, medical examiner’s reports, and district attorney’s reports dating to 2000, revealing some stark findings:

From 2000 to 2015, there were 95 officer-involved shootings, 40 of them fatal. No charges were filed against officers in any of the shootings.
In the majority of the cases, suspects were armed with guns; eighteen cases involved suspects armed with knives, and in 11 cases the suspects were unarmed.
There were six fatal police shootings in 2015—double the year before and the highest count in 15 years. Of the eight people fatally shot by SFPD officers since last January, four were Latino, two were black, and two were white.
More than 60 percent of fatal police shootings since 2010 involved suspects with a history of mental illness.
About 160 officers, or roughly seven percent of the 2,200-strong force, were involved in the shootings. Six officers were involved in more than one.

Mother Jones sat down with San Francisco County district attorney George Gascon to talk about the Chronicle’s findings, ongoing reform efforts, and morale inside the department. Gascon, who served as chief of the SFPD before becoming a prosecutor, has called for the state attorney general’s office to investigate the SFPD for discriminatory policing practices, and has advocated for reform. “When you talk about racism in this country, we’re not exempt from that,” he said, referring to problems plaguing other police departments around the country. “And I think the beginning of a solution to that is to accept that we have the same problems and collectively—we as a nation need to begin to fix this problem.”

Morale among the rank and file is mixed, Gascon said. “There’s a sizeable number of people within the police department that believe that reform has to take place…there are other people that feel under siege,” he said, particularly since the firing of chief Greg Suhr, a move which some officers believe was political.

“What is clear to me,” he added, “is that things cannot continue to be the way that they are.”

Here are some of Gascon’s specific thoughts on reform and accountability for the SFPD:

Use of Force
There have been two fatal police shootings in San Francisco thus far in 2016. Luis Gongora was shot several times in the Mission District in April after he lunged at officers with a knife, according to the SFPD. And Jessica Williams, 29, was shot once by an officer in Bayview in May while an officer tried to remove her from a vehicle suspected to be stolen.

The SFPD should adopt a use-of-force policy that requires officers to respond to physical threats with the minimum force necessary, Gascon said. Enforcing a more restrictive policy would both reduce the number of fatal police encounters and put officers at less risk of legal action for running afoul of the “reasonable force” legal standard, he said. Under current interpretations of the law, no particular weapon or level of force is more reasonable than another in responding to threats that pose great bodily harm to officers—but department leadership can draw its own line, Gascon said. “What you do is you’re modifying behavior with this line. And you’re creating a buffer, so that if you make a very restrictive policy, even if the officer violates policy they’re still very far way from violating the law.”

Last Wednesday, the seven-member San Francisco Police Commission unanimously approved a new policy mandating that officers attempt to de-escalate conflict situations before using force against a suspect. The policy has the support of the police union and civil rights groups, but still has to go through negotiations between the union and the city before being adopted.

The Police Commission is also considering outfitting all officers with Tasers as a way to give them less lethal options for responding to threats. The president of the police union said the shooting of Woods, who wielded a knife, could have been avoided if officers had been equipped with Tasers. Gascon called for officers to be equipped with Tasers when he was chief of police in 2010. Now he says that officers should have Tasers at their disposal, but that they shouldn’t get them until they’ve been trained in a more restrictive use of force policy that encourages minimum force across the weapons spectrum. “A Taser can be abused as well,” he noted. “I believe that Tasers are another tool that should be available to officers. But that has to be done in the context of a very strict policy.”

Accountability
Currently, the San Francisco police department leads investigations into officer-involved shootings, while the DA’s office conducts its own investigation into the shooting. Investigators from the DA’s office respond to the scene but rely heavily on the SFPD for information, which doesn’t always get passed along. “The worst case scenario is what we’re doing today,” Gascon said. “Perhaps the only thing that could be worse than that is if we didn’t go to the scene at all.” Earlier this month, a ballot measure was passed requiring the Office of Citizen Complaints to conduct an investigation into every police shooting. Previously it only conducted investigations when a complaint was filed with the office—which rarely happened.

The SFPD can’t continue to investigate itself for shootings involving its own officers, Gascon said. Ideally, the California state attorney general’s office should investigate police shootings, he said, though that agency says it lacks the resources. Gascon has proposed creating a special division within the district attorney’s office that would be exclusively responsible for investigating officer-involved shootings. The division would consist of investigators and prosecutors who were hired and trained specifically to investigate police shootings and would not be involved in the work of the DA’s office on other criminal cases. This would build trust, he said, between the police department and the community in terms of the integrity of police-shooting investigations.

In Gascon’s view, the SFPD should also regularly publish updated information about complaints against officers and use of force incidents on its website every 30 days, including the numbers of each, the race of the victims, and the race, gender, and age of the officer involved.

Skeptics of Gascon’s proposal have noted that his office has never charged a police officer involved in a shooting—there have been 43 cases since he became DA in 2011; 31 are closed and 12 remain open. Gascon told Mother Jones that current legal precedent on “reasonable force” allows officers wide latitude to decide what use of force is necessary, and the bar is high for demonstrating that an officer crossed the line. That’s a key reason why the SFPD’s policy needs to be changed, he said.

But Gascon also said that the public can have unrealistic expectations of how police should use force and how investigations into police conduct should be run. “The public sometimes is very influenced by what they see in movies…where police officers have this incredible marksmanship,” he said, noting that people often ask why officers don’t just shoot suspects in the leg.

The law governing how police can use force is different from that governing how civilians can use force, Gascon also notes. “The law recognizes that during their day to day operations doing their work, they’re going to be confronted with situations where they’re going to have to use force, whereas the average person wouldn’t have to.”

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Why the San Francisco Police Department Is Under Heavy Fire

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Former Cop Who Shot and Killed Walter Scott Now Faces Federal Charges

Mother Jones

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The former police officer who was filmed fatally shooting Walter Scott, an unarmed black man in South Carolina last year, has been indicted by a federal grand jury on three new charges. The federal indictment, which was filed on Tuesday, accuses Michael Slager of violating Scott’s civil rights, obstruction of justice, and the unlawful use of a weapon, the New York Times reports.

Last April, a bystander recorded Slager fatally shooting Scott in the back as he attempted to flee a routine traffic stop, directly challenging Slager’s initial claim that Scott had stolen his police taser and tried to use it against him. The new charges this week accuse Slager of purposely misleading authorities.

According to a statement released by the Department of Justice, if convicted, Slager could face a maximum sentence of life in prison for the civil rights violation.

Slager is already facing a possible sentence of 30 years to life for the shooting death, after a South Carolina jury indicted him on murder charges last June.

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Former Cop Who Shot and Killed Walter Scott Now Faces Federal Charges

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Kansas Voters Have 21 Days to Register if They Speak English, or 15 if They Speak Spanish

Mother Jones

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Prospective voters in Kansas were given different instructions for how and when to register to vote depending on whether they received the English- or Spanish-language voter guide issued by the Kansas secretary of state’s office.

The English-language version correctly informed voters that they could register up to 21 days before an election. But the Spanish-language version told voters that they had only 15 days to register, according to the Kansas City Star. Passports were listed as a valid proof of citizenship in the English version; in the Spanish version, they were not.

Craig McCullah, who oversees publications in the secretary of state’s office, apologized in the Star for the “administrative error” and said he was “diligently working to fix” the issue. He said the online versions were corrected within a day and the physical versions were sent to a translating service to eliminate discrepancies.

It’s unclear exactly when the errors were introduced or whether the erroneous voter guides had an effect on registration for the state’s presidential caucuses on March 5.

The botched voter guides, first flagged by a Democratic consultant in Daily Kos, have sparked the latest in a series of controversies over strict voter registration policies in Kansas under Secretary of State Kris Kobach.

A former Justice Department counsel in the George W. Bush administration and law professor at the University of Missouri at Kansas City, Kobach was known for helping craft anti-immigration laws in Arizona, Alabama, and Georgia and for pushing the idea of self-deportation. Since becoming secretary of state in 2010, he has restricted access to the polls in Kansas and pursued criminal prosecutions for alleged instances of voter fraud, despite its rare occurrence. In 2013, even as the Supreme Court struck down a law requiring proof of citizenship for federal elections in Arizona, the state established a two-tier voter system that required Kansas residents to provide proof of citizenship to vote in state and local elections.

Kansas is one of several Republican-controlled states that imposed tighter voter restrictions after the 2010 midterm election. Those policies have prompted legal challenges from civil rights advocates, who argue that such restrictions affect young, minority, Democratic-leaning voters. In January, a Kansas district court judge, Franklin Theis, struck down the state’s two-tier system, noting that Kobach, as secretary of state, “is not empowered to determine or declare the method of registration or create a method of ‘partial registration’ only.” Kobach plans to appeal the ruling.

In February, the American Civil Liberties Union again challenged the state’s voting policies, claiming the proof of citizenship requirement would keep at least 30,000 people, or 14 percent of Kansans who tried to register, off the voter rolls. The lawsuit is also seeking to prevent the state from tossing out more than 350,000 registration applications that are considered incomplete because prospective voters did not provide proof of citizenship.

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Kansas Voters Have 21 Days to Register if They Speak English, or 15 if They Speak Spanish

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Black Movie Directors are Hosting an Oscars-Night Fundraiser in Flint

Mother Jones

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Not really feeling the Oscars this year? Well, there’s another star-studded event you can tune into Sunday night—this one is in Flint, Michigan. Blackout for Human Rights, an activist coalition co-founded by directors Ryan Coogler (Creed, Fruitvale Station) and Ava DuVernay (Selma) is hosting #JusticeforFlint, a live benefit to raise funds for residents of the lead-stricken city. The shindig, hosted by comedian Hannibal Burress, will feature the awesome singer Janelle Monae—who led several Black Lives Matter protests last summer during stops on her nationwide music tour—Empire‘s Jussie Smollett, Jesse Williams of Grey’s Anatomy, and other prominent black actors and performers. It’s free to the public, but attendees can donate to a Flint fund at the event. The event coincides with Oscars day, but that’s just a coincidence, according to Coogler, who was snubbed for the Best Director category for Creed. (DuVernay was snubbed for Selma last year.) The date was chosen because it was the last weekend of Black History Month.

“We will give a voice to the members of the community who were the victims of the choices of people in power who are paid to protect them, as well as provide them with a night of entertainment, unity, and emotional healing,” Coogler said in a statement to BuzzFeed. “Through the live stream we will also give a chance for people around the world to participate, and to donate funds to programs for Flint’s youth.” #JusiceforFlint will be live-streamed exclusively on revolt.tv, the online counterpart to the RevoltTV network founded by hip-hop mogul Sean “Puffy” Combs. The event airs at 5:30 p.m. ET, 90 minutes before the Oscars’ Red Carpet coverage commences. So if you’re interested, you can probably catch most of both.

Blackout for Human Rights also held an MLK Day event in New York City last month where black entertainers including Chris Rock, Michael B. Jordan, and Harry Belafonte read speeches by civil rights icons. Rock is hosting the Oscars on Sunday. He’s expected to deliver a monologue on diversity in Hollywood.

Flint has been in the national news since last October, when news broke that the city’s water had been contaminated with lead for well over a year, despite pleas to local and state officials. Check out this article about the Flint mom who helped bring the scandal to the nation’s attention. It’ll make your blood boil.

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Black Movie Directors are Hosting an Oscars-Night Fundraiser in Flint

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How South Carolina Became Trump Country

Mother Jones

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Michelle Wiles says her wake-up call came a few years back when she saw what Muslim immigrants had done to the small city of Hamtramck, Michigan, where her mother’s family is from. A small, historically Polish community almost entirely surrounded by Detroit, Hamtramck used to be filled with Christmas decorations in the winter. These days, she says—as we sit in the office of a biofuels company near her home in Spartanburg County, South Carolina, one evening in December—”that’s where they have blow horns.”

“Where they blast out their call to prayer,” she explains. “Which is, you know, to Allah.”

Wiles, who is a member of Texas Sen. Ted Cruz’s South Carolina leadership team, believes large portions of Michigan have already been transformed into a de facto Islamic state that’s off-limits to nonbelievers. “Just Google ‘Christians stoned by Muslims in Dearborn‘—there’s plenty of video,” she says. (I did, and I watched a group of beefy dudes with signs about “idolators” and “sodomites” being taunted by 14-year-olds.) Unless good Christian people take a stand, Wiles fears South Carolina might be next.

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How South Carolina Became Trump Country

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Is America’s Most Controversial Education Group Changing Its Ways?

Mother Jones

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Audrey Pribnow, with Teach for America, leads her class at University Academy in Kansas City, Missouri. Photo by Tammy Ljungblad/TNS/ZUMAPRESS.com

Last weekend, Teach for America, the nonprofit that places freshly minted college graduates in schools to teach for two years, held a national summit in Washington, DC, to celebrate its 25th anniversary. The event featured a number of the organization’s most celebrated alumni who helped build today’s education reform movement—known for its passion for testing, ranking of teachers, and deep support of charter schools. Michelle Rhee, the former DC schools chancellor was there; so was Eva Moskowitz, the head of the largest chain of charter schools in New York City, and Michael Johnson, the Colorado senator who helped pass one of the early laws mandating the use of test scores in teachers’ evaluations.

As soon as the summit began, Teach for America’s zealous supporters and fierce critics took to Twitter. “Please tell me that somebody is protesting this awful, anti-public education conference,” writer and author, Nikhil Goyal, tweeted. Joel Klein, a former superintendent of New York schools who now works for Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation, tweeted, “Teach for America has produced more great leaders fighting for educational equity than any other.” Teach for America alum Gary Rubenstein launched a #FactCheckTFA25 hashtag that he said would deflate many of the organizations’ exaggerations about its successes.

It’s hard to think of an education reform organization today that is more well-known and more divisive than Teach for America. Many advocates say Teach for America is on the front lines of fighting educational inequity and racism by sending top talent to the most struggling classrooms; opponents charge that Teach for America sends poorly trained teachers into schools with high rates of kids in poverty that need qualified teachers the most. Opponents also argue the organization’s elite recruits often displace veteran black and Latino teachers.

In the last three years, a stream of articles and open letters from Teach for America alums have fanned the flames. In 2013, Olivia Blanchard published an essay in The Atlantic, “I Quit Teach for America,” in which she declared that the five-week summer crash course that she—a typical Teach for America recruit—took before being placed in a school didn’t prepare her to fix the wrongs in the most challenging classrooms. That same year, Gary Rubenstein, a former recruiter for Teach for America, wrote an open letter to Wendy Kopp, the founder of the nonprofit, stating that the previous 2010 summit made him ashamed of the organization: “It was disappointing to me that the theme of the summit was generally about how charter schools were THE answer and how ‘bad’ teachers and unions are THE problem. It felt like TFA was trying to convey the idea that ‘We figured it out. Now we just have to scale up,’ despite the fact that nobody has really conclusively figured ‘it’ out.”

A number of studies conducted over the past 10 years have suggested that Teach for America educators have been no more effective raising children’s test scores than teachers from all other avenues (though studies show Teach for America educators, compared with other teachers, have increased kids’ math scores slightly more than their reading and writing scores, according to journalist Dana Goldstein). Studies have also shown that there can be negative impacts from high teacher turnover, and others have called into question the impact of “no excuses” pedagogical approaches that can be found in charter schools.

Such findings—and the drop in the numbers of new applicants for Teach for America—have sparked an unprecedented debate within the organization and have led the organization to create a slew of new initiatives. Teach for American now has pilot programs to help teachers stay in the profession longer and programs to expand training time beyond the five-week summer courses. There is a new educational justice training program that draws on scholarship by African American scholars, including Gloria Ladson-Billings and Lisa Delpit, to help corps members create more culturally relevant classrooms. For the first time, Teach for America alum and critic Amber H. Kim facilitated a panel at the DC summit for the organization’s opponents titled, “Critics, Not Haters.”

Christina Torres joined Teach for America in 2008. She teaches English at the University Laboratory School, Honolulu, Hawai’i. Image by Marc Marquez.

Honolulu-based English teacher and Teach for America alum Christina Torres told me that the nonprofit is now far too large to view it as a one-dimensional organization. The organization represents a huge variety of beliefs. Today there are about 11,000 Teach for America educators who are still teaching in the classroom. And the new corps members are more diverse in class and race: Close to half of the 2015 corps are people of color, and 47 percent of them come from low-income or working-class backgrounds.

Torres, who refers to herself as “Mexipina” (her father is Mexican and her mother is Filipino), now has over four years of teaching under her belt. For the past two years, she has worked in a progressive, integrated charter school serving Asian American, Samoan, and Native Hawaiian students and kids from Guam. Last weekend, in between Teach for America panels, I asked her about this year’s summit.

Mother Jones: Why did you join Teach for America?

Christina Torres: I chose it partially because when they recruited me, they touched on some aspects of race and access to education that had affected my own family. My family had worked really hard to ensure my brother and I had received a great public education. Many other schools that kids like me went to didn’t have every AP class offered, free SAT prep, or the hundreds of little privileges I received. This lack of quality and parity was heartbreaking. Teach for America also made it easier to get into the classroom.

MJ: Why did you choose a charter school now?

CT: They offered the job! But also the school has an incredibly strong, positive culture and I work with amazing teachers. I also believed in their charter’s purpose, which is to build a school that acts as a laboratory for innovative curriculum that then gets scaled to the state level.

I have a lot of qualms about the charter movement from what I experienced while I worked in charter schools in Los Angeles. I think they often don’t add anything to the community. However, this charter serves a function I believe in.

MJ: What criticisms—that Teach for America is elitist? Or disrespectful of veteran educators—do you think are deserved?

CT: The criticism that TFA is white, elitist, focused on testing, and short of pedagogical seriousness could also be a applied to a lot of schools and traditional teacher prep programs. Education and teacher training often inherently value white culture. That’s not an excuse, but it seems like the focus on TFA alone minimizes the larger issue that education as a system needs to be inherently rethought. I think TFA is beginning to own its part in that, though, and we need to not just pay lip service to it.

MJ: How do you feel when you hear that Teach for America placed teachers in a city like Seattle in 2010, when there were no teacher shortages or Chicago in 2013, while veteran teachers, often educators of color, were laid off?

CT: Frustrated. It makes me feel angry and sad. Also, it makes it harder to do the work in places with real shortages, such as Hawaii or the Native American reservations.

MJ: What makes you feel like TFA is evolving?

CT: Just the fact that we’re discussing race and privilege—including panels at the summit this year for white folks to begin dismantling their own systems—in such a frank way is completely new. Also, the explicit push for people to teach beyond two years was pretty shocking.

MJ: Is more work needed?

CT: The organization is still deeply entrenched with charters in a way that makes me feel very uncomfortable. The amount of space and funding we give to alumni startups instead of investing that money in already existing structures or entrepreneurs in communities we serve also feels strange. The amount of celebrity we apply to some “higher-up” folks like Wendy Kopp is also something I want to move away from.

MJ: Gary Rubenstein wrote in his blog that most of the summit’s panels were heavily “reformer.” Did you think so?

CT: I think the panels were split between the two sides of TFA: Some were “rah-rah TFA,” but others were all about the work. All the panels I went to were about the empowerment of communities and students of color—culturally responsive pedagogy, student activism, native student education. I felt like I got diverse viewpoints and I was pushed. Characterizing the summit as “mostly” reformer focused seems strong. I think the panels reflected varying interests and beliefs.

MJ: Did the conference address issues or race in a meaningful way?

CT: The TFA Native Alliance Initiative panel focusing on NACA Native American Community Academy charter schools was huge in importance. NACA is an example of what nontraditional schooling should be: a space for communities to create safe, culturally relevant, and innovative education that needs to be protected or cultivated.

But by far, the student activism panel was the strongest part of the summit. The students themselves were given the microphone without any scripts or agendas so they could share their thoughts, beliefs, and stories. Seeing students challenge us as educators was huge to both validate and challenge my own beliefs.

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Is America’s Most Controversial Education Group Changing Its Ways?

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The Justice Department Just Sued Ferguson for "Routine Violation" of Residents’ Civil Rights

Mother Jones

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The US Justice Department has sued the city of Ferguson, Missouri, following months of “painstaking negotiations” with local officials and more than a year of investigating their alleged discriminatory and unconstitutional practices.

The Justice Department launched its investigation into the Ferguson Police Department after 18-year-old Michael Brown was shot and killed by a Ferguson police officer in August 2014, sparking months of protest across the country and public outcry over the use of deadly and excessive force by the police.

On Wednesday, Attorney General Loretta Lynch announced that the Justice Department was filing a lawsuit against Ferguson one day after the city council rejected a proposed settlement that sought to “remedy literally years of systematic deficiencies.” The Justice Department spent more than six months negotiating a settlement with local officials after it identified widespread civil rights violations and racial discrimination in the Ferguson Police Department’s stops, searches, and arrests. It also alleges that local court proceedings violated the due process of residents. The city council’s rejection of the agreement, Lynch said, “leaves us no further choice.”

Here is the full text of the lawsuit:

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Ferguson-DOJ-Lawsuit (Text)

Here’s the full text of Lynch’s remarks:

Good afternoon and thank you all for being here. I am joined by Vanita Gupta, head of the Civil Rights Division.

Nearly a year ago, the Department of Justice released our findings in an investigation of the Police Department of Ferguson, Missouri. Our investigation uncovered a community in distress, in which residents felt under assault by their own police force. The Ferguson Police Department’s violations were expansive and deliberate. They violated the Fourth Amendment by stopping people without reasonable suspicion, arresting them without cause and using unreasonable force. They made enforcement decisions based on the way individuals expressed themselves and unnecessarily escalated non-threatening situations. These violations were not only egregious – they were routine. They were encouraged by the city in the interest of raising revenue. They were driven, at least in part, by racial bias and occurred disproportionately against African-American residents. And they were profoundly and fundamentally unconstitutional. These findings were based upon information received from Ferguson’s own citizens, from Ferguson’s own records and from Ferguson’s own officials. And they demonstrated a clear pattern or practice of violations of the Constitution and federal law.

After announcing our findings one year ago, we began negotiations with the city of Ferguson on a court-enforceable consent decree that would bring about necessary police and court reform. From the outset, we made clear that our goal was to reach an agreement to avoid litigation. But we also made clear that if there was no agreement, we would be forced to go to court to protect the rights of Ferguson residents. Painstaking negotiations lasted more than 26 weeks as we sought to remedy literally years of systematic deficiencies. A few weeks ago, the Department of Justice and Ferguson’s own negotiators came to an agreement that was both fair and cost-effective – and that would provide all the residents of Ferguson the constitutional and effective policing and court practices guaranteed to all Americans. As agreed, it was presented to the Ferguson City Council for approval or rejection. And last night, the city council rejected the consent decree approved by their own negotiators. Their decision leaves us no further choice.

Today, the Department of Justice is filing a lawsuit in U.S. District Court against the city of Ferguson, Missouri, alleging a pattern or practice of law enforcement conduct that violates the First, Fourth and 14th Amendments of the Constitution and federal civil rights laws. We intend to aggressively prosecute this case and I have no doubt that we will prevail.

The residents of Ferguson have waited nearly a year for their city to adopt an agreement that would protect their rights and keep them safe. They have waited nearly a year for their police department to accept rules that would ensure their constitutional rights and that thousands of other police departments follow every day. They have waited nearly a year for their municipal courts to commit to basic, reasonable rules and standards. But as our report made clear, the residents of Ferguson have suffered the deprivation of their constitutional rights – the rights guaranteed to all Americans – for decades. They have waited decades for justice. They should not be forced to wait any longer.

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The Justice Department Just Sued Ferguson for "Routine Violation" of Residents’ Civil Rights

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The Texas Trooper Who Pulled Over Sandra Bland Was Just Indicted

Mother Jones

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On Wednesday, nearly five months after Sandra Bland was found dead in a jail cell in Waller County, Texas, a grand jury has charged the state trooper who initially arrested the 28-year-old black woman with perjury.

Trooper Brian Encinia pulled over Bland in Prairie View on July 20, citing an improper lane change. Dash cam footage later released by county officials showed that the encounter quickly escalated after Encinia ordered Bland out of her car. In the video, Encinia can be heard saying, “I’m going to drag you out of here,” as he reached into Bland’s vehicle. He then pulled out what appeared to be a Taser, yelling, “I will light you up!” Encinia eventually forced Bland to the ground as she protested the arrest. Encinia arrested Bland for “assault on a public servant” and booked her into the Waller County jail, where she was found dead three days later.

The video raised questions about how a woman who was on her way to start a new job wound up dying in custody. An autopsy determined that Bland died of “suicide by hanging,” but Bland’s family countered that suicide seemed “unfathomable” and asked the US Department of Justice to investigate the incident. County officials said Bland had asked to use the phone about an hour before she was found hanging in her cell. Bland’s family said they had been trying to help her post bail.

Encinia’s class A misdemeanor perjury charge, punishable by up to a year in jail and a $4,000 fine, relates to a statement he made in the incident report following Bland’s arrest. It comes a few weeks after the Waller County grand jury concluded that no felony had been committed in Bland’s death by the county sheriff or jail staff.

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The Texas Trooper Who Pulled Over Sandra Bland Was Just Indicted

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Neighbors and Family Recount Chilling Details in Chicago Police Shooting

Mother Jones

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Eyewitness accounts from neighbors appear to confirm a Chicago police officer began shooting into the home of Quintonio Legrier and Bettie Jones from several feet away while standing on the sidewalk. That contradicts the police department’s early account, which suggests one of the officers opened fire in the entryway after Legrier confronted him.

Legrier, a 19-year-old engineering student, and Jones, a 55-year-old mother of five and workers’ rights activist, were shot on Saturday when officers responded to a domestic disturbance call at their home around 4:30 a.m. Jones opened the door when police responded to a call from Legrier’s father.

It was the first fatal Chicago police shooting since the city released video footage of another officer shooting 17-year-old Laquan McDonald 16 times in October 2014. The police department’s handling of that case prompted a Department of Justice investigation into the department’s use of force.

The deaths of Jones and Legrier have put more pressure on local and federal officials. The families of both Legrier and Jones have called on Mayor Rahm Emanuel to resign. Emanuel and Illinois Gov. Bruce Rauner have called the shooting “troubling.” Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez has asked the FBI to assist her investigation of the case. And the Department of Justice plans to include the shooting in its probe of the Chicago Police Department. On Wednesday the mayor, who cut short a family vacation to Cuba after learning about the shooting, announced plans for a “major overhaul” of the police department rules on use of force. The changes include a mandate that all department patrol cars be equipped with a Taser and more be officers be trained to use them by June 1, 2016.

According to the Guardian, Legrier’s and Jones’s deaths bring the total number of fatal police shootings this year to more than 1,120.

Shots Fired

Quintonio Legrier’s father says the shooting raises questions about how officers handle suspects who are mentally ill, and he wonders why the officer involved in this case couldn’t have used other methods, such as a Taser, to handle the situation. Quintonio’s mother, Janet Cooksey, disputes that her son had a mental illness.

Quintonio was visiting his father, Antonio Legrier, for Christmas in a home where the first- and second-floor apartments share the same entrance. Bettie Jones lived in the downstairs apartment. Antonio, who says his son has recently struggled with “emotional” issues, called the police so they could help him get his son to the hospital. Police say Quintonio had threatened his father with a bat. But Antonio Legrier says Quintonio had merely banged on his bedroom door angrily, and the family’s lawyer says Antonio did not fear his son was going to hurt him.

Here’s what police say happened next: When officers arrived at the house, they were “confronted by a combative subject.” This resulted “in the discharging of the officer’s weapon,” the police department said.

One officer opened fire, killing both Jones and Quintonio.

The police department said Jones was shot “accidentally,” and it issued its “deepest condolences” to Jones’ family.

Although the early police statement about the incident does not specify where the officers were standing, it suggests that Quintonio may have confronted them in the entryway of the building, which prompted the officer to shoot.

However, family members and other witnesses have said the officer was standing on the sidewalk when he began shooting, which could indicate he was not in immediate danger, as the police account may imply.

New details help support the families’ version of what happened.

Janet Cooksey, Legrier’s mother, told me that the front door to Antonio Legrier’s home is old and squeaks when it opens. She said her son’s father told her that he heard gunshots almost as soon as he heard the door open. (Cooksey does not live in the home).

Bullet holes in the door

Quintonio Legrier’s and Bettie Jones’s residence on the 4700 block of West Erie Street in Chicago Brandon Ellington Patterson

She said Antonio told her that he ran downstairs because he assumed officers were shooting at his son, and that when he got there they started shooting again. She also said there were bullet holes in the door.

Cooksey also said Antonio wasn’t the only person who called police: Quintonio placed a call to them as well, she said.

Quintonio took seven bullet wounds total, Cooksey said, including two in his side and one in his buttocks.

Two neighbors who live next door to Legrier’s house say the officer shot from the sidewalk in front of the home.

Marcos Mercado lives in the house directly to the left of where the shooting occurred. From his living room window, he saw an officer standing on the sidewalk with his gun drawn and then heard gunfire, he told me during an interview at his kitchen table. Marcos did not see the officer pull the trigger, but after shots rang out he saw the officer standing in the same spot still pointing his gun at the house.

Mercado also said he saw another officer with a flashlight “check” in the passageway between Legrier’s home and the house to the right of it.

Mercado said he heard one officer yell for someone to come out of Legrier’s house. When asked how many minutes passed between when the officers arrived and when the shooting began, Mercado said officers began shooting “right away.” He heard shots in rapid succession, he said.

He said he spoke to detectives from the city’s Independent Police Review Authority for 10 minutes the day after the shooting.

I spoke to another neighbor, who lives in the house directly to the right of where the shooting occurred and would only give his first name, DeSean. From his window he saw an officer shoot into the doorway from the sidewalk, he told me.

One officer walked to the front of the house from the back, using a passageway that runs between DeSean’s house and Legrier’s house. Another officer got out of a squad car that was parked in the street, DeSean said. One of the officers walked up the stairs and knocked. Then he ran back to the sidewalk and drew his gun “like he was in position to shoot,” DeSean said.

The officer didn’t say anything when he knocked on the door, DeSean said. Jones opened the door a few minutes later, he recalled.

“When Jones opened that door she was like, ‘Whoa, whoa, whoa!'” DeSean said. “Like, ‘Slow down—wait, wait, wait!’ That’s what she meant.” He said there had been 15 or 20 seconds between when Jones opened the door and when the officer opened fire.

“You can see clearly”

DeSean and William, another neighborhood resident who witnessed the aftermath of the shooting, told me the porch was brightly lit, so the officer should have been able to see a woman in the doorway. William said, “There’s nothing dark about it. You can see clearly.”

DeSean said he didn’t see Jones get hit but heard the shots and could see the officer pulling the trigger. He said there were two or three officers at the house when the shooting occurred.

“Right after” the shooting, DeSean says, the officer who shot Legrier and Jones looked into the passage between his and Legrier’s homes and yelled, “Put the gun down! Put the gun down!” But DeSean says he didn’t see anyone in the passageway.

After the shooting, several neighbors came outside. When DeSean looked into Legrier’s house, he says he saw Quintonio laying on top of Jones’ body in the hallway. Two ambulances arrived after five or six minutes, DeSean said and brought Quintonio and Jones out.

Antonio Legrier has filed a wrongful death suit against the city, alleging that authorities have a video of at least part of the incident, and that an officer shot Legrier from 20 to 30 feet away. The Independent Police Review Authority is investigating the shooting.

The name of the officer who fired the gun has not been released.

According to local TV station CBS 2, which cited unnamed sources, the officer is in his 20s and is a former Marine. He entered the police academy in October 2012 and graduated six months later in March 2013, the report says. He was a probationary officer for 18 months after completing training. So at the time of the shooting he had been on patrol as a full-fledged officer for just over a year, according to the report.

The officer has been placed on 30-day administrative duty while the IPRA investigates, in accordance with a new department policy instituted by Interim Police Superintendent John Escalante. The new policy “will ensure separation from field duties while training and fitness for duty requirements can be conducted,” the department said in a statement.

Neither the Chicago Police Department nor lawyers for the Jones and Legrier families could be reached immediately for comment.

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Neighbors and Family Recount Chilling Details in Chicago Police Shooting

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A Grand Jury Just Decided Not to Indict the Cop Who Killed 12-Year-Old Tamir Rice

Mother Jones

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Update (3:08 p.m. ET, 12/28/2015): The family of Tamir Rice has issued the following statement:

On Monday, more than a year since 12-year-old Tamir Rice was killed by a Cleveland police officer, a grand jury decided not to indict the cops involved, Timothy Loehmann and Frank Garmback. Cuyahoga County Prosecutor Timothy McGinty said that despite “the perfect storm” of errors that day, those errors “did not constitute criminal conduct.”

On the afternoon of November 22, 2014, less than 10 minutes after a man called 911 to report a person in a park waving around what appeared to be a gun, Loehmann and his partner Garmback drove up directly in front of Rice, with Loehmann emerging from the patrol car and shooting the boy almost instantaneously. Surveillance footage showed the officers standing around for several minutes after the shooting without giving Rice, any kind of first aid or tending to his wounds. The boy died at a hospital the next day. The gun in Rice’s possession turned out to be a toy replica.

Monday’s decision emerges after more than a year of public controversy and investigations into the incident, first by the Cleveland police department and then by the Cuyahoga County sheriff’s office, which in July handed over its findings to McGinty. Beginning in October, McGinty released three independent reports assessing the legality of Loehmann’s and Garmback’s actions. The reports, written by experts tapped by the prosecutor, all appeared to absolve the officers of misconduct. Their release to the public long before the grand jury decision was unusual—grand jury proceedings are typically closed off to the public—and the move prompted Rice’s family and supporters to call for a special prosecutor to take over the case. Neither Loehmann nor Garmback ever spoke to investigators, as Mother Jones first reported in May, but in December the two officers released public statements for the first time since Rice’s death.

Here are the key events that led up to the grand jury decision:

November 22, 2014: A 911 caller tells a police dispatcher that a man who is “probably a juvenile” is waving around a gun that is “probably fake.” The call taker fails to relay those details in the dispatch computer system and codes the call a “priority 1.” A radio dispatcher requests officers to the scene. Tamir Rice is shot and killed within 10 minutes of the 911 call.

December 3, 2014: A report from the Cleveland Plain Dealer reveals that Loehmann’s personnel record showed the officer had a troubling history with handling guns in the past. According to reports by supervisors at the Independence Police Department—where Loehmann served a six-month stint in 2012 before joining the Cleveland police—he was “distracted” and “weepy” during firearms qualifications training. An Independence deputy police chief wrote that Loehmann “could not follow simple directions, could not communicate clear thoughts nor recollections, and his handgun performance was dismal,” and recommended that the department part ways with him.

December 5, 2014: Rice’s family files a federal wrongful death suit against Loehmann, Garmback, and the city of Cleveland.

January 2015: The Cuyahoga County sheriff’s office takes over the city’s investigation into the shooting.

June 11, 2015: A Cleveland judge finds there is sufficient evidence to charge both Loehmann and Garmback, but leaves that decision up to the county prosecutor.

June 13, 2015: After five months, the county sheriff’s office releases the results of its probe. Loehmann and Garmback, as Mother Jones was the first to report, refused to speak with investigators despite multiple requests by investigators to interview them.

October 11, 2015: Cuyahoga County Prosecutor McGinty releases two reports that conclude Loehmann’s actions were “objectively reasonable” and constitutional, suggesting the investigation may not lead to charges. The two reports note that possible tactical errors made by the officers—such as whether Loehmann issued a warning before firing shots—are not relevant to the findings. The release of the reports stirs a public outcry and prompts Rice’s family and supporters to call for McGinty’s recusal from the grand jury process and for a special prosecutor to take over the case.

November 12, 2015: McGinty releases a third report that focuses on the potential mishandling of the 911 call and whether Garmback’s decision to drive the squad car to within feet of Rice contributed to the shooting. The report concludes that the 911 dispatcher and both officers’ actions were reasonable.

November 28, 2015: Two outside law enforcement experts, retained by the Rice family’s attorneys, conclude in their reports that Loehmann’s and Garmback’s actions were “reckless” and unjustifiable under the law. They challenge the three earlier reports released by the county prosecutor.

December 1, 2015: After a yearlong silence, Loehmann and Garmback release their written accounts of what happened on the day of the shooting. Their statements are made public through the county prosecutor. “I had very little time as I exited the vehicle,” Loehmann wrote of the moments before he fired two shots at Rice. “We are trained to get out of the cruiser because ‘the cruiser is a coffin.'” He added, “I saw the weapon in his hands coming out of his waistband and the threat to my partner and myself was real and active.”

December 15, 2015: Rice’s family formally requests a Department of Justice investigation into the boy’s death and the prosecutor’s handling of the grand jury proceedings.

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A Grand Jury Just Decided Not to Indict the Cop Who Killed 12-Year-Old Tamir Rice

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