Tag Archives: seattle

The Southeast could be in for more pain at the pump after a pipeline explosion.

Non-white or non-male riders, however, may have a harder time. That’s the conclusion of a new study in which researchers had students in Seattle and Boston request rides on specific routes from Uber, Lyft, and taxi-hailing app Flywheel.

Here’s how it works: When you request an Uber, the driver can only see your location and star rating. After that driver accepts, they get your name and picture, too — and may cancel if they don’t like what they see. Researchers zeroed in on cancellations to measure discrimination, says Don MacKenzie, one of the study’s coauthors.

For the Boston study, riders used preset identities with names like Keisha, Rasheed, Allison, and Todd. The male riders who used stereotypically black names saw a cancellation rate of 11.2 percent, compared to the 4.5 percent cancellation rate of those using white names. Female riders using white names had a cancellation rate of 5.4 percent, while female riders with black names experienced a cancellation rate of 8.4 percent, nearly double the cancellation rate for white male riders (MacKenzie points out that difference is not statistically significant).

Finally, women were sometimes subjected to unnecessarily long rides from talkative drivers — resulting in lost time and money for those riders.

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The Southeast could be in for more pain at the pump after a pipeline explosion.

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Inside the Carbon Tax Fight That’s Dividing Environmentalists

Mother Jones

This story was originally published by Grist and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Voters in a progressive Pacific Northwestern state could approve the nation’s first carbon tax next week, providing a much-sought victory to proponents of legislative climate action—and possibly a model for the rest of the country.

And yet the ballot measure is at equal risk of failing spectacularly. Not because of the usual oil and coal industry foes, or even because it includes the dreaded t-word. No, the biggest obstacle in its way: other environmentalists.

An unlikely array of local and national organizations have come out against—or declined to support—Washington state’s carbon tax initiative, which will appear on the ballot as I-732. Their concerns: That a revenue-neutral carbon tax wouldn’t raise money for investing in clean energy and communities, and that people of color didn’t get a fair say in crafting the policy.

Although the split became public last year, it’s only been in the last few months that a barrage of organizations have proclaimed their opposition. Washington Conservation Voters called the measure “flawed,” while Sierra Club Washington noted its members have “deep concerns.”

Infighting is not uncommon in the environmental movement, which actually represents a fairly large and loose coalition of diverse local, state, and national interests. But the carbon tax battle in Washington state appears to stem from a recent and fundamental shift: Following the lead of more community-minded activists, the nation’s most powerful environmental groups are attempting to change their emphasis from a largely white perspective to one that is more diverse and equitable. And that means a new approach to issues like climate legislation.

Many of those groups have come to the realization in recent years that they can’t fight climate change without including a broader range of people in their solutions. Attempts to remake policy so it is equitable and impactful has resulted in two main visions for how to approach climate action.

The tension between a narrowly focused environmental campaign and a newer approach that involves more consensus around a broader progressive agenda has been simmering for a long time. With I-732, it’s broken out into the open.

False starts have plagued the climate movement for years. The failed 2009 Waxman-Markey bill, which would have capped carbon emissions and created a national market for trading credits (hence the name “cap and trade”), sent the movement into existential soul-searching.

Since then, Congress has only become more hostile to climate action, meaning any successes have largely come at the state level or inside the White House. As Republicans at the national level have been less and less involved in a serious fight against climate change, the solutions have evolved without them.

Progressive states including California, New York, and yes, Washington have recently made significant strides on climate policy. Part of the movement’s post-Waxman-Markey strategy was to broaden the base of support for climate policy beyond a very white core—not by appealing to increasingly intransigent conservatives, but by listening to the people representing low-income communities and communities of color, which are disproportionately impacted by pollution and climate change.

“It isn’t just about reducing emissions,” said Green for All’s Vien Truong, who works on climate justice policy initiatives in California and other states. “It is that, but we have to move forward.” This includes bringing people to the movement who “feel the pinch of climate change” most.

Gregg Small of the Washington-based Climate Solutions noted that the cap-and-trade bill’s failure was a teaching moment. “We have to find a different climate movement going forward,” he said. “The climate community can’t do it on their own.”

Despite the recognition by many environmentalists that a new, more inclusive approach was needed, it was a divided effort that helped set the stage for the current battle in Washington state.

Two years ago, a new-school coalition of social justice and environmental groups that became the Alliance for Jobs and Clean Energy began working on a climate action proposal, gathering extensive input from community organizations.

But a smaller, grassroots-based climate group, known as Carbon Washington, got its carbon tax proposal on the ballot first. I-732 would phase in next year, tax carbon emissions at $25 per metric ton in 2018, and gradually ramp up over 40 years to $100.

What’s troubling some opponents is where that money would go: cutting the state’s sales tax by 1 percent, cutting taxes for manufacturers, and providing tax rebates to more than 400,000 low-income households. That’s allowed I-732 proponents to try to appeal to conservatives by calling it revenue neutral, but it doesn’t sit well with the Alliance-affiliated enviros.

Their four-page alternative proposal is murky on the details, though: It calls for a carbon “fee” that would redirect the revenue collected toward clean energy efforts, water quality improvement, and helping disadvantaged communities. It doesn’t cut taxes, and unlike 732, it establishes an absolute, though unknown cap on carbon emitted. The actual tax on polluters starts at $15 per metric ton, but is unclear on how it would ramp up over time. It promises some “compliance flexibility” for polluters yet doesn’t say what that entails.

Small, a chair of the Alliance, said his group was ready to put its proposal on the 2016 ballot but pulled its plans when 732 gained the signatures needed. Two competing ballot measures would likely have meant success for neither.

Carbon Washington met with the Alliance to figure out a compromise but moved ahead without the full blessing of the organizations that had fought hard to bridge justice and environmental concerns. In return, there are now a slew of environmental and social justice groups slamming I-732 for not doing enough to fight climate change, not managing to be revenue-neutral, and failing on equity.

The founder of Carbon Washington, Yoram Bauman, defends his group’s approach. “I think that underneath, there’s a philosophic difference in how to provide benefits to low-income communities and communities of color,” he said. “Their approach was to fund community-directed investment. They wanted a pot of money that could be controlled by local communities to reduce emissions, create jobs, and lower pollution in communities of color. Our approach was we wanted to put money back into the pockets of low-income households.”

Bauman says that if his group’s measure passes, small tweaks and improvements could be made by the state Legislature. But opponents say a flawed model is not a good place to start.

“Perfect shouldn’t be the goal,” Bauman argues. “I think folks who care about climate change need to support action on climate change. We don’t have many opportunities to take a swing at the ball, and there are serious questions about how many more years we want to wait.”

I-732 does have its share of supporters. Actor and activist Leonardo DiCaprio, 28 environmental and energy-focused groups (including the Audubon Society’s state chapter), and dozens of Republican and Democratic lawmakers and economists have endorsed it. All this has lead to one very fractured environmental community.

The Seattle-based sustainability think tank Sightline Institute is neutral on 732 but still manages a good summary of the pro-side’s position in a lengthy analysis weighing the pros and cons: “Initiative 732 does exactly what the scientists and economists prescribe: It sets a science-based, steadily rising price on pollution,” Sightline writes. “The citizens’ initiative covers most of the state’s climate pollution, makes the tax code more progressive, and is administratively elegant.” Based on a Washington Office of Financial Management projection, the 732 carbon tax would raise $2 billion in fiscal year 2019 (4 percent of the state’s annual budget), which would go back to taxpayers in various forms.

Critics, however, remain convinced that 732 doesn’t do enough to fight climate change, nor does it address justice concerns. They also felt shut out of the process.

“We’ve got to get it done right the first time,” said Small, who was careful to make it clear that Climate Solutions is not opposed to I-732. “Effective carbon pricing needs to really do three things: It needs to put a meaningful price on carbon to drive down pollution; it needs to invest the money generated in clean energy solutions; and it should invest in those affected by climate change.”

A coalition of environmental justice organizations penned an open letter to the Sightline Institute, saying they took issue with the group’s analysis, arguing that it serves to “denigrate our perspective and profess to speak for the interests of our communities without our consultation or knowledge.”

“People who can actually begin to be part of the solution were hoping to be part of this clean energy future,” Green for All’s Truong said. “And this carbon tax essentially shut that effort down.”

Perhaps the most unexpected argument is that the tax won’t do the intended job of cutting emissions. Food and Water Watch issued a report claiming that the model for 732, a British Columbia carbon tax, “fails to demonstrate that it has reduced carbon emissions, fossil fuel consumption, or vehicle travel, as it purported to do.”

Technically, it would be possible to alter 732 in the Legislature down the line if voters approve it in November, but it’s politically unfeasible. Some environmentalists would prefer to work with what they have if it passes, but in a few cases, the critics would rather see no tax at all. Seattle public radio station KUOW asked Alliance member and OneAmerica activist Ellicott Dandy if she would regret her position against I-732 if no other carbon tax ever passed.

Her answer: “No.”

The latest polling shows a close vote. In an early October poll, 21 percent of voters were undecided. In a late-October poll from KOMO News/Strategies 360, that number is even higher, with 28 percent unsure how they will cast their ballot. How the undecided voters break makes all the difference for an initiative leading with just 40 percent of the electorate, and 32 percent opposed.

If 732 fails, the lessons for environmentalists will be clear: An approach designed to appeal to more conservative sensibilities—tax cuts, revenue neutral—isn’t going to help them bring in new voices on the left, who want to be heard and play a guiding role in the process.

“Carbon pricing is incredibly difficult and maybe impossible if people don’t come together,” Small said. “Other states will face similar types of dynamics here on the policy and strategy. I hope people learn from the painful lesson we have in Washington to, you know, work it out.”

Also read: James Hansen vs. Naomi Klein: State carbon tax splits national climate hawks.

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Inside the Carbon Tax Fight That’s Dividing Environmentalists

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The most dramatic climate fight of the election is in Washington state

Voters in a progressive Pacific Northwestern state could approve the nation’s first carbon tax next week, providing a much-sought victory to proponents of legislative climate action — and possibly a model for the rest of the country.

And yet the ballot measure is at equal risk of failing spectacularly. Not because of the usual oil and coal industry foes, or even because it includes the dreaded t-word. No, the biggest obstacle in its way: other environmentalists.

An unlikely array of local and national organizations have come out against — or declined to support — Washington state’s carbon tax initiative, which will appear on the ballot as I-732. Their concerns: That a revenue-neutral carbon tax wouldn’t raise money for investing in clean energy and communities, and that people of color didn’t get a fair say in crafting the policy.

Although the split became public last year, it’s only been in the last few months that a barrage of organizations have proclaimed their opposition. Washington Conservation Voters called the measure “flawed,” while Sierra Club Washington noted its members have “deep concerns.”

Infighting is not uncommon in the environmental movement, which actually represents a fairly large and loose coalition of diverse local, state, and national interests. But the carbon tax battle in Washington state appears to stem from a recent and fundamental shift: Following the lead of more community-minded activists, the nation’s most powerful environmental groups are attempting to change their emphasis from a largely white perspective to one that is more diverse and equitable. And that means a new approach to issues like climate legislation.

“We have to find a different climate movement going forward.” –Gregg Small, Climate Solutions executive director

Many of those groups have come to the realization in recent years that they can’t fight climate change without including a broader range of people in their solutions. Attempts to remake policy so it is equitable and impactful has resulted in two main visions for how to approach climate action.

The tension between a narrowly focused environmental campaign and a newer approach that involves more consensus around a broader progressive agenda has been simmering for a long time. With I-732, it’s broken out into the open.


False starts have plagued the climate movement for years. The failed 2009 Waxman-Markey bill, which would have capped carbon emissions and created a national market for trading credits (hence the name “cap and trade”), sent the movement into existential soul-searching.

Since then, Congress has only become more hostile to climate action, meaning any successes have largely come at the state level or inside the White House. As Republicans at the national level have been less and less involved in a serious fight against climate change, the solutions have evolved without them.

Progressive states including California, New York, and yes, Washington have recently made significant strides on climate policy. Part of the movement’s post-Waxman-Markey strategy was to broaden the base of support for climate policy beyond a very white core — not by appealing to increasingly intransigent conservatives, but by listening to the people representing low-income communities and communities of color, which are disproportionately impacted by pollution and climate change.

“It isn’t just about reducing emissions,” said Green for All’s Vien Truong, who works on climate justice policy initiatives in California and other states. “It is that, but we have to move forward.” This includes bringing people to the movement who “feel the pinch of climate change” most.

Gregg Small of the Washington-based Climate Solutions noted that the cap-and-trade bill’s failure was a teaching moment. “We have to find a different climate movement going forward,” he said. “The climate community can’t do it on their own.”


Despite the recognition by many environmentalists that a new, more inclusive approach was needed, it was a divided effort that helped set the stage for the current battle in Washington state.

Two years ago, a new-school coalition of social justice and environmental groups that became the Alliance for Jobs and Clean Energy began working on a climate action proposal, gathering extensive input from community organizations.

But a smaller, grassroots-based climate group, known as Carbon Washington, got its carbon tax proposal on the ballot first. I-732 would phase in next year, tax carbon emissions at $25 per metric ton in 2018, and gradually ramp up over 40 years to $100.

What’s troubling some opponents is where that money would go: cutting the state’s sales tax by 1 percent, cutting taxes for manufacturers, and providing tax rebates to more than 400,000 low-income households. That’s allowed I-732 proponents to try to appeal to conservatives by calling it revenue neutral, but it doesn’t sit well with the Alliance-affiliated enviros.

Their four-page alternative proposal is murky on the details, though: It calls for a carbon “fee” that would redirect the revenue collected toward clean energy efforts, water quality improvement, and helping disadvantaged communities. It doesn’t cut taxes, and unlike 732, it establishes an absolute, though unknown cap on carbon emitted. The actual tax on polluters starts at $15 per metric ton, but is unclear on how it would ramp up over time. It promises some “compliance flexibility” for polluters, yet doesn’t say what that entails.

Small, a chair of the Alliance, said his group was ready to put its proposal on the 2016 ballot, but pulled its plans when 732 gained the signatures needed. Two competing ballot measures would likely have meant success for neither.

Carbon Washington met with the Alliance to figure out a compromise, but moved ahead without the full blessing of the organizations that had fought hard to bridge justice and environmental concerns. In return, there are now a slew of environmental and social justice groups slamming I-732 for not doing enough to fight climate change, not managing to be revenue-neutral, and failing on equity.

The founder of Carbon Washington, Yoram Bauman, defends his group’s approach. “I think that underneath, there’s a philosophic difference in how to provide benefits to low-income communities and communities of color,” he said. “Their approach was to fund community-directed investment. They wanted a pot of money that could be controlled by local communities to reduce emissions, create jobs, and lower pollution in communities of color. Our approach was we wanted to put money back [into the pockets of low-income] households.”

Bauman says that if his group’s measure passes, small tweaks and improvements could be made by the state legislature. But opponents say that a flawed model is not a good place to start from.

“Perfect shouldn’t be the goal,” Bauman argues. “I think folks who care about climate change need to support action on climate change. We don’t have many opportunities to take a swing at the ball, and there are serious questions about how many more years we want to wait.”


I-732 does have its share of supporters. Actor and activist Leonardo DiCaprio, 28 environmental and energy-focused groups (including the Audubon Society’s state chapter), and dozens of Republican and Democratic lawmakers and economists have endorsed it. All this has lead to one very fractured environmental community.

The Seattle-based sustainability think tank Sightline Institute is neutral on 732, but still manages a good summary of the pro-side’s position in a lengthy analysis weighing the pros and cons: “Initiative 732 does exactly what the scientists and economists prescribe: it sets a science-based, steadily rising price on pollution,” Sightline writes. “The citizens’ initiative covers most of the state’s climate pollution, makes the tax code more progressive, and is administratively elegant.” Based on a Washington Office of Financial Management projection, the 732 carbon tax would raise $2 billion in fiscal year 2019 (4 percent of the state’s annual budget), which would go back to taxpayers in various forms.

Critics, however, remain convinced that 732 it doesn’t do enough to fight climate change, nor does it address justice concerns. They also felt shut out of the process.

“I think folks who care about climate change need to support action on climate change.” –Yoram Bauman, Carbon Washington founder

“We’ve got to get it done right the first time,” said Small, who was careful to make it clear that Climate Solutions is not opposed to I-732. “Effective carbon pricing needs to really do three things: It needs to put a meaningful price on carbon to drive down pollution; it needs to invest the money generated in clean energy solutions; and it should invest in those affected by climate change.”

A coalition of environmental justice organizations penned an open letter to the Sightline Institute, saying they took issue with the group’s analysis, arguing that it serves to “denigrate our perspective and profess to speak for the interests of our communities without our consultation or knowledge.”

“People who can actually begin to be part of the solution were hoping to be part of this clean energy future,” Green for All’s Truong said. “And this carbon tax essentially shut that effort down.”

Perhaps the most unexpected argument is that the tax won’t do the intended job of cutting emissions. Food and Water Watch issued a report claiming that the model for 732, a British Columbia carbon tax, “fails to demonstrate that it has reduced carbon emissions, fossil fuel consumption, or vehicle travel, as it purported to do.”

Technically, it would be possible to alter 732 in the legislature down the line if voters approve it in November, but it’s politically unfeasible. Some environmentalists would prefer to work with what they have if it passes, but in a few cases, the critics would rather see no tax at all. Seattle public radio station KUOW asked Alliance member and OneAmerica activist Ellicott Dandy if she would regret her position against I-732 if no other carbon tax ever passed.

Her answer: “No.”


The latest polling shows a close vote. In an early October poll, 21 percent of voters were undecided. In a late-October poll from KOMO News/Strategies 360, that number is even higher, with 28 percent unsure how they will cast their ballot. How the undecideds break makes all the difference for an initiative leading with just 40 percent of the electorate, and 32 percent opposed.

If 732 fails, the lessons for environmentalists will be clear: An approach designed to appeal to more conservative sensibilities — tax cuts, revenue neutral — isn’t going to help them bring in new voices on the left, who want to be heard and play a guiding role in the process.

“Carbon pricing is incredibly difficult and maybe impossible if people don’t come together,” Small said. “Other states will face similar types of dynamics here on the policy and strategy. I hope people learn from the painful lesson we have in Washington to, you know, work it out.”

Also read: Climate hawk vs. climate hawk: State carbon tax splits national climate hawks

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The most dramatic climate fight of the election is in Washington state

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Hate crappy trade deals? This free concert is for you.

deal with it

Hate crappy trade deals? This free concert is for you.

By on Jul 28, 2016Share

A group of musicians are on tour protesting against the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a murky global trade deal that could strike a blow to human rights, labor, and the environment.

Rock Against the TPP will bring Talib Kweli, Tom Morello, cofounder of Rage Against the Machine, Anti-Flag, and many more to a venue near you. Even better, the tickets are free. The tour kicked off in Denver, and is headed to San Diego this Saturday. More stops are planned in Seattle and Portland in August.

Despite stiff opposition, Obama has pushed to fast-track TPP through Congress; some protestors heckled Obama against the trade agreement during his primetime speech at the Democratic National Convention on Wednesday. Hillary Clinton, meanwhile, has been wishy-washy about the whole thing.

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Hate crappy trade deals? This free concert is for you.

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Green Road Trip Tips For The Summer

Ah, summer! The season of barbecues, picnics, camping, delicious fresh fruit and summertime adventures. One of my favorite things to do through the summer is take a road trip with family, friends and sometimes even a short solo journey. I find that road trips make for a relatively cheap and easy holiday option, allowing one to explore the interiors of a particular area and marvel at the beauty that summertime brings. Last year, I spent my summer in the Pacific Northwest, and the number of road trips I took increased exponentially. Sometime in the midst of summer and considering how much I was getting out onto the road, I decided that it was only fair to go about my little adventures in a more environmentally responsible manner a green road trip if you will.

Green road trip tips, for all seasons

These green road trip tips will keep your next summer road trip as eco-friendly as it is enjoyable. Image Credit: Monkey Business Images / Shutterstock

I’ve always been a pretty accountable and cautious person by nature, and so, I researched ways in which to make my journeys more “green”, and lessen their impact (directly and indirectly) on the beautiful surroundings I often cruised through. Today, I’m going to share with you some green road trip tips to keep your next summer road trip as eco-friendly as it is enjoyable.

The Car

Arguably, one of the best ways to keep your trip green is to maximize fuel efficiency. Before embarking on a long journey, make sure your car is fully tuned up. Sometimes overlooked factors, such as your tires not being fully inflated, can reduce fuel efficiency by a significant amount (not to mention, they make driving dangerous). Making sure your car is well maintained and suited for a road trip is vital, as a car in shape will retain its efficiency for a long period of time. More importantly, a well-maintained car aids safety, and safe driving practices are critical for long drives.

If you are renting a car for your trip, then consider renting one that is fuel efficient.  I’ve rented cars for longer journeys in the past, and trust me when I say it’s worth paying a little extra to get a vehicle with higher fuel efficiency.

The Load

Green road trip tip: avoid packing heavy and bulky items unless absolutely necessary. Image Credit: Youproduction / Shutterstock

Pack only as much as you need. Avoid packing heavy and bulky items unless absolutely necessary, and be sure to empty out your trunk of any items you’ve been storing in there that you won’t need for your summer road trip. Keeping your weight to a minimum will reduce the amount of gas consumed, and also save you some money over time. I recently learned that keeping things on the roof of your car can reduce efficiency up to 25%! Apparently, bike racks and luggage carriers will interfere with efficiency even when empty as they disrupt the aerodynamics of the car.

The Drive

Planning your route in advance will help you save fuel, as opposed to spontaneously “going where the road takes you”. In terms of the drive itself, here are some easy-to-follow steps that really do make a big difference in staying environmentally friendly:

When possible, opt for cruise control, as this is much better than constantly accelerating and braking.
Don’t idle! I remember driving to Seattle once, and seeing a “Stop Idling” sign at this large intersection. Even though the sign was very visible, most drivers were in fact, idling. Idling is tempting, but in reality consumes a lot of gas in a small amount of time.
Use as little air-conditioning as possible. I find this quite hard to do, especially during the peak of summer, but it’s worth a try during cooler evenings or while driving through long shaded areas.

The Activities

Apart from the journey itself, the activities you engage in throughout your road trip also contribute to the carbon footprint you leave behind. In terms of food, try and eat local. Consider frequenting farmers’ markets, or eating at local sustainable restaurants. Not only will you be helping the environment, but you’ll get to truly immerse yourself in your new surroundings and get an insider’s perspective. Packing low-carbon snack alternatives in reusable containers is a great way to stay healthy, and also reduce waste.

A great way to see some sights you might otherwise miss is to throw some walking and hiking into your road trip. This saves fuel, and is a fun activity to change things up during a road trip. Instead of using electronic devices to keep your mind occupied during those longer and bleaker drives, or during long pit-stops, try playing a game or two, or interact with fellow travelers. I’ve met some really interesting people at pit-stops, and have found that exchanging stories over a meal with fellow road-trippers is so much more fulfilling than staring at a screen. Even though it doesn’t seem like much, you’ll be saving some electricity, and reducing your personal impact on your surroundings, and who knows you might even enjoy doing it!

So the next time you’re planning a road trip, think about including these green road trip practices into your journey. After all, half of the enjoyment a road trip brings comes from the beauty of the environments we drive through — so it only makes sense that we do our part in preserving its splendor.

Feature image credit: MNStudio / Shutterstock

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Akshata Mehta

Akshata majored in International Political Economy and English Literature and has a passion for traveling and exploring the world. She loves to write, is interested in entrepreneurship and sustainability. Occasionally, she writes about not-so-serious stuff and her daily doings on her blog

here

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Green Road Trip Tips For The Summer – July 18, 2016

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Green Road Trip Tips For The Summer

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Explosive oil trains are feeling some serious heat this week

off the rails

Explosive oil trains are feeling some serious heat this week

By on Jul 6, 2016 6:29 pmShare

Exactly three years ago from this Wednesday, a 74-car freight train carrying 30,000 gallons of crude oil rolled into the sleepy town of Lac-Mégantic, Quebec, at 1:15 p.m. It caught the wrong edge of a turn, exploded, and in seconds became the worst Canadian rail accident since 1864, killing 47 people.

Despite this disaster, Canada and the U.S. continue to ship flammable crude through major cities all across the country — but this week, protestors are trying to end that practice.

On Wednesday, environmental and climate activists delivered a letter addressed to President Barack Obama demanding companies stop transporting crude oil by train, signed by 144 emergency responders, officials, and public interest groups. Dozens of cities across North America will play host to demonstrations aimed at stopping crude oil trains throughout the week. Already, the tag #StopOilTrains, kicked off by the environmental group Stand.earth, is populating with images from thee demonstrations.

The number of oil train shipments has exploded over the past decade, from 9,500 in 2008 to more than 400,000 in 2013, mainly due to the geyser of oil newly from North Dakota’s Bakken shale. But along with the trains came explosions — several of them located directly adjacent to densely populated places. Just last week, a train exploded near Mosier, Ore., closing local schools and sending a plume of smoke into the air.

A “blast zone” map created by Stand.earth can tell you if you’re one of the 25 million Americans who could be evacuated (or worse) in the event of an oil train derailment. From my apartment in Seattle, I found out that I’m located in the “potential impact zone” — and I can tell you right now, it doesn’t feel good.

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Explosive oil trains are feeling some serious heat this week

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Alaska is way, way hotter than normal right now

Baked Alaska

Alaska is way, way hotter than normal right now

By on Jun 11, 2016

Cross-posted from

Climate CentralShare

Alaska just can’t seem to shake the fever it has been running. This spring was easily the hottest the state has ever recorded and it contributed to a year-to-date temperature that is more than 10 degrees F (5.5 degrees C) above average, according to data released Wednesday by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.

How much spring temperatures differed from average in Alaska.NOAA

The Lower 48, meanwhile, had its warmest spring since the record-breaking scorcher of 2012.

While May as a whole was only slightly above average — thanks in part to whiplashing weather from the beginning of the month to the end — every state in the contiguous United States had warmer-than-normal temperatures for the spring as a whole.

The main area of relative cool in May was in the Central and Southern plains, where considerable rains fell during the month. Storm systems generally tend to drag in cooler air and cloudy days help to keep a lid on temperatures.

“In addition, when soils are waterlogged it prevents afternoon temperatures from rising as high as they would if soils were dry,” Deke Arndt, chief of the monitoring branch of NOAA’s National Centers for Environmental Information, said in an email.

The contiguous United States is having its fourth warmest year-to-date; May’s milder weather brought that trend down a bit from April when 2016 was in the No. 2 slot.

The clear standout of above-average temperatures for the Lower 48 — both in May and spring as a whole — was the coastal Pacific Northwest. Seattle had its fourth-hottest May and several spots in Washington, including Seattle-Tacoma Airport, were having their hottest year-to-date.

Alaska, for first time in modern records, had a spring average temperature of 32 degrees F (0 degrees C) — that may sound cold, but warmth is a relative term. That temperature handily beat the previous record hot spring of 1998 by 2 degrees F (1 degrees C), according to NOAA.

Several spots in Alaska, including Anchorage, Fairbanks, and Juneau, recorded their hottest springs. Several others, including Barrow, the northernmost city in the United States, had their second-warmest spring.

Year-to-date, the state is running 10.3 degrees F above the 1925-2000 average of 26.1 degrees F (-3.3 degrees C) and 2.4 degrees F (1.3 degrees C) higher than the previous mark of 23.7 degrees F (-4.6 degrees C) set in 1981. In fact, the past three January-May periods are among the four warmest in Alaska’s records.

Year-to-date temperature anomalies across the contiguous United States.NOAA

Rick Thoman, climate science and services manager for the NWS’s Alaska region, said that several factors had converged to keep Alaska so relatively toasty, including persistent high pressure systems over the region and warm waters off the coast. Early snowmelt has also exacerbated the spring heat.

The effects of the elevated temperatures are readily apparent, Thoman said, with berries ripening weeks earlier than usual, very early “last frosts”, and an early start to construction projects.

Temperatures in Alaska have also steadily risen — like the planet as a whole, and the Arctic in particular — thanks to the excess heat trapped by human emissions of greenhouse gases. There is a 99 percent chance that 2016 will be the hottest year on record globally, mainly due to that excess heat.

NOAA forecasters expect the odds this summer to continue to favor above-average temperatures across Alaska, and there’s a good chance that 2016 as a whole could be record-hot for the state as well. But that depends on how the rest of the year plays out.

“Certainly, the combination of five months already in the books and the outlook for continued warmth raises the chances for the warmest year on record,” Arndt said. “But it would just take one or two really cold months to change the scenario from ‘warmest year’ to ‘one of the warmest years.’ ”

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Alaska is way, way hotter than normal right now

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The Keystone movement goes global

The Keystone movement goes global

By on May 3, 2016Share

A wave of protests is crashing down on the fossil fuel industry this month, and there’s almost nowhere left for the fossil fuel industry to hide.

A new global climate action campaign under the banner of the phrase “Break Free” kicked off on Tuesday, beginning with a series of nonviolent demonstrations in cities all around the world. The protests, which cover six continents and dozens of countries, are mainly targeting the development of new fossil fuel infrastructure projects, like oil and gas pipelines, as well as new coal mines and plants. Led by the climate action organization 350.org, they are set to last from May 3 to May 15.

The push follows the battle between activists and the energy giant TransCanada over the proposed Keystone XL pipeline, a fight that eventually ended with President Barack Obama vetoing the plans last November. Since that victory for climate activists, new fossil fuel pipelines, storage facilities, and refineries have been facing a wave of public backlash before they even break ground. The phenomenon has been called “Keystone-zation” by both activists and the oil and gas industry.

“It’s fair to say going after the supply side of things is something the Keystone campaign did,” Lindsay Meiman, a communications coordinator for 350.org, told Grist. “We saw huge success there. So we’re bringing it to other fossil fuel infrastructure sites.”

The month’s surge of demonstrations kicked off in Wales, with a group of jump-suited protestors forming a blockade at the United Kingdom’s largest opencast coal mine on Tuesday.

In the United States, Seattle, Denver, Albany, Los Angeles, and Washington, D.C., are all hosting their own protests against fracking operations, crude oil trains, and oil refineries. Other planned protests include:

In Turkey, community leaders will protest a series of four fossil fuel plants slated for the regions surrounding Aliağa.
Protestors will once again set upon the world’s largest coal port, the port of Newcastle in Australia, to oppose the country’s continued reliance on coal.
In Indonesia, thousands are expected to gather at the presidential palace in Jakarta to protest a score of new coal infrastructure projects.
A crowd of 10,000 is expected for the Philippines’ action in Batangas City, where a 600-megawatt coal fired power plant is planned — one of 28 other proposed facilities just like it.

The demonstrations, writes author and climate activist Bill McKibben in the Guardian, are meant to “turn up the heat on the small band of companies and people still willing to get rich off fossil fuel.” If the members of that band of people are paying reading the news over the next two weeks, they’re definitely going to get the message.

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The Keystone movement goes global

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Recycling Batteries Is Easy With The Big Green Box

When it comes to recycling, Americans are much more likely to take the green route with household items like aluminum cans and plastic bottles than they are with electronics. In fact, only 31 percent of people recycle single-use batteries, while more than 70 percent recycle steel, plastic and paper items, according to a poll conducted by Ipsos Marketing on behalf of Call2Recycle. Why the disparity when it comes to recycling batteries? Let’s take a look at one simple solution.

Recycling batteries, in a box

Tossing a milk jug into a blue bin is easier than hunting down an electronics recycler … or at least that was true until The Big Green Box began.

The Big Green Box is a convenient way to make sure batteries are properly managed at the end of their life.  Call it recycling batteries, in a box.

A program from Retriev Technologies, a company that offers environmentally sound battery recycling, The Big Green Box involves just three steps for recycling batteries: buy it, fill it, ship it. Here’s how it works:

Buy it. Purchase the Big Green Box at a low flat rate (prices start at $63). It will be shipped to your home or office and will come completely assembled. Place it wherever is most convenient for you or your co-workers/employees to toss used batteries.
Fill it. Inside the Big Green Box, you’ll find a set of plastic bags. As batteries and other electronic devices are used up, simply place the individual items in a separate bag — the bags prevent unintentional discharges or short circuits — and set them inside the box.
Ship it. Once your Big Green Box is full, or a year has passed since placing the first item into the box, drop it off at your local FedEx location or call 1-800-Go-FedEx to have your box picked up from your home or place of business for no charge. The batteries will end up at an EPA-permitted facility for proper end-of-life management.

Bunches of batteries

Although the box is one-size-fits-all, recycling batteries is not. Retriev Technologies has processes in place for all the following:

Alkaline batteries: Alkaline batteries are made primarily of zinc, manganese dioxide and steel, all of which can be made into new products. The batteries are shredded to separate the steel casing from the zinc and manganese active materials.
NiCd and NiMH batteries: Nickel Cadmium (NiCd) and Nickel-Metal Hydride (NiMH) batteries include nickel, cadmium (in NiCd only) and iron. Cadmium is a hazardous substance that can cause serious bodily harm if not properly captured, so Retriev uses a pyrometallurgical process for component separation.
Lithium ion batteries: Li-Ion batteries typically consist of cobalt and copper and may have nickel, aluminum and iron. The batteries are processed through an automated crusher, which operates under a liquid solution to prevent fugitive emissions and to reduce the reactivity of the processed batteries. The result is a metal-enriched liquid and metal solids, which can be reused in new products.
Lithium metal batteries: These highly reactive batteries are pre-treated using a proprietary cryogenic process to lessen their reactivity and to allow for further processing. They then go through an automated crusher that results in metal solids and lithium-enriched liquid.
Lead acid batteries: These batteries primarily consist of lead metal and plastic casings. The lead plates are removed from the plastic casing using an automated physical separation technology; the lead is eventually reused in new batteries and the plastic goes to recyclers to incorporate into new products.

In addition to batteries, The Big Green Box is designed to take small portable electronics such as cellphones, MP3 players, tablets, handheld power tools and miniature laptops or computers.

Order your very own box here, and do your part to make recycling batteries just as convenient as any other kind of recycling.

Editor’s Note: Earth911 partners with many industries, manufacturers and organizations to support its Recycling Directory, the largest in the nation, which is provided to consumers at no cost. Retriev Technologies is one of these partners.

About
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Haley Shapley

Haley Shapley is based in Seattle, where recycling is just as cool as Macklemore, walking in the rain without an umbrella, and eating locally sourced food. She writes for a wide range of national and regional publications, covering everything from sustainability and health to travel and retail.

Latest posts by Haley Shapley (see all)

Recycling Batteries Is Easy With The Big Green Box – April 18, 2016
Make A Difference: Donate Your Computer Through InterConnection – March 24, 2016
Retriev Technologies Gives Old Batteries New Life – March 10, 2016

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Amazon Is Going After People Who Write Fake Reviews

Mother Jones

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When you’re online shopping for the perfect Halloween mask or an awesome shirt for casual Friday, do you ever get the sense that those five-star reviews seem a tad exaggerated? You’re not the only one: For the second time this year, Amazon is cracking down on fraudulent product reviews.

In a civil complaint filed in Seattle on Friday, the company targeted 1,114 users listed on the UK-based website Fiverr, where freelancers list odd-job services like proofreading, graphic design, programming, and translation. According to the complaint, most of the defendants use the site to sell five-star Amazon product reviews for $5 apiece—often asking Amazon vendors to send them prewritten reviews, which they post from multiple usernames and IP addresses to outwit the company’s detection software. The result, the company argued, undermines the credibility of all reviews on its website, violating Washington state’s consumer protection act and its own terms of service.

“Amazon strictly prohibits any attempt to manipulate customer reviews and expressly prohibits compensated reviews,” the complaint stated. “Nonetheless, an unhealthy ecosystem has developed outside of Amazon to supply reviews in exchange for payment.”

In April, Amazon filed suit against several websites that produced paid reviews of Amazon products, causing most of the sites to close. With the Fiverr suit, Amazon is trying a different tactic: suing individual users. The company admitted, however, that it only knows their usernames, many of which are no longer listed on Fiverr. Still, even a quick search on the site turns up many freelancers still offering the same kind of service. User Brett_lee, who is not listed in the lawsuit, says he’ll post a negative review on Amazon, Google, Facebook, or Yahoo for $5 (a one-day turnaround, multiple reviews, or downvotes on other listings cost extra):

Hi there, I will post negative reviews in anywhere you need. Its more better if you send me the text reviews. Need revenge or anything else, Just place your order 🙂

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Amazon Is Going After People Who Write Fake Reviews

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