Tag Archives: august

This Guy Appears To Have Live-Tweeted Michael Brown’s Shooting

Mother Jones

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Via Rolling Stone National Affairs reporter (and Mother Jones alumni) Tim Dickinson, Twitter user @TheePharoah appears to have witnessed—and live-tweeted—Michael Brown’s shooting on August 9 from his home in Ferguson, Missouri.

(Scroll to the bottom, the tweets are in reverse chronological order.)

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In the days since the unarmed teenager was gunned down by police officer Darren Wilson, Feguson has come to look increasingly like a war zone, with the highly militarized police department squaring off against peaceful protestors.

(We’ve reached out to @TheePharoah and will update this post if we hear back.)

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This Guy Appears To Have Live-Tweeted Michael Brown’s Shooting

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Montana Democrat Ends Senate Campaign Over Plagiarism

Mother Jones

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Republicans’ path to taking over the Senate just got a little bit easier. Sen. John Walsh (D-Mont.) announced on Thursday he would end his Senate campaign after the New York Times reported last month that he had plagiarized portions of his 2007 Army War College thesis. Walsh, a former lieutenant governor and adjutant general of the state national guard, was appointed to the seat vacated by Ambassador to China Max Baucus but struggled to generate much enthusiasm among voters. Montana Democrats have until August 20 to find a new nominee. But whoever wins the Democratic nod will have a tough row to hoe against GOP Rep. (and creationism advocate) Steve Daines, who held a 16-point lead in a CBS/New York Times poll taken lost month.

Don’t plagiarize, kids.

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Montana Democrat Ends Senate Campaign Over Plagiarism

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50 Year Ago Today: Congress Authorizes Vietnam War Under Bullshit Pretense

Mother Jones

Captain John J. Herrick, USN, Commander Destroyer Division 192 (at left) and Commander Herbert L. Ogier, USN, Commanding Officer of USS Maddox on 13 August 1964. They were in charge of the ship during her engagement with three North Vietnamese motor torpedo boats on 2 August 1964. Photographed by PH3 White. Official U.S. Navy Photograph, from the collections of the Naval Historical Center

After just nine hours of deliberation, both houses of Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin resolution today in 1964. The bill authorizing the United States to officially go to war with Vietnam was signed by President Lyndon Johnson three days later. Of course, the United States had been increasingly involved in Vietnam at least since 1955, when then-President Eisenhower deployed the Military Assistance Advisory group to help train the South Vietnamese Army.

Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara in a post-midnight press briefing, August 4, 1964 in the Pentagon points out action in Gulf of Tonkin in August 4 attacks by North Viet Nam PT boats against U.S. destroyers on patrol. McNamara called the attacks unprovoked and deliberate, in view of the previous attack on Aug. 2. Bob Schutz/AP

The supposed August 4th attack on the USS Maddox was used to legitimize the growing U.S. presence in Vietnam and to give the President authority to use the military in the effort to combat Communist North Vietnam. Even Johnson questioned the legitimacy of the Gulf of Tonkin. A year after the incident, Johnson said to then Press Secretary Bill Moyers, “For all I know, our Navy was shooting at whales out there.”

President Lyndon B. Johnson signs “Gulf of Tonkin” resolution. Cecil Stoughton/White House Photograph Office/National Archives

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50 Year Ago Today: Congress Authorizes Vietnam War Under Bullshit Pretense

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Roz Chast: The MoJo Years

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While cartoonist Roz Chast is best known as a fixture in the pages of the New Yorker, back in the day she was also a regular contributor to Mother Jones. Below, we’ve collected Chast’s work from the pages of MoJo between 1983 and 1988.
Plus: Read an interview with Chast about her new cartoon memoir, Can’t We Talk About Something More Pleasant?

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Roz Chast: The MoJo Years

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Why Darrell Issa’s New IRS Scandal Accusation Makes No Sense

Mother Jones

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It’s no secret that Reps. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) and Elijah Cummings (D-Md.) don’t get along. Last month, Issa cut off Cummings’ microphone at a hearing on the IRS scandal. Their latest spat came last week, when Issa, chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, sent a letter to Cummings, the senior Democrat on the committee, accusing him of secretly scheming with the IRS to target True the Vote, a conservative organization. But in his argument against Cummings, Issa’s grasping at straws.

The oversight committee has been investigating whether the IRS purposefully targeted conservative nonprofit groups. GOPers have fixated on the investigation, despite the fact that documents have shown the IRS scrutinized progressive groups as well. And last Thursday, House Republicans voted to hold former IRS official Lois Lerner in contempt for refusing to testify about her role in the IRS matter. One of the groups that Issa is concerned may have been unfairly targeted is True the Vote, an organization whose mission is to root out voter fraud. At least as early as February 2012, the IRS was requesting information from True the Vote about its activities, including any for-profit organizations it was associated with. A few months later, in August, Cummings contacted the IRS to notify the agency that his own staff was planning to investigate the organization. On October 4, 2012, his office sent the first of a series of letters to True the Vote requesting information about its activities. Cummings was concerned that the group was engaging in voter intimidation and partisan activities, such as making a $5,000 donation to the Republican State Leadership Committee. Cummings asked the IRS for “publicly available information” about the group in January 2013.

Issa’s main gripe is that Cummings sent questions to True the Vote that were similar to questions the IRS put to the organization. He says that although Cummings denied that his staff “might have been involved in putting True the Vote on the radar screen of some of these federal agencies,” his communications indicate otherwise. Issa also claims that Cummings didn’t adequately inform the committee of his interactions with the IRS.

But according to the timeline in Issa’s own letter, Cummings didn’t trigger the IRS investigation into True the Vote. True the Vote was on the agency’s radar screen months before Cummings reached out to the IRS. Additionally, Issa was aware that Cummings was looking into True the Vote. Cummings CCed Issa on the October 2012 letters he sent to the group and posted them on his website. In a scathing reply to Issa last week, Cummings wrote: “According to your logic, simply requesting access to public information is somehow evidence of a nefarious conspiracy.”

It’s certainly not unusual for lawmakers to request publicly available information from government agencies. In fact, Issa sent a sharply worded letter to the IRS in August 2009 requesting documents related to the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN), the now defunct progressive organization. He specifically wanted to ensure that ACORN’s political contributions “satisfy federal and state campaign finance laws” and was concerned the nonprofit was engaging in partisanship. About a month after Issa sent his letter, ACORN employees were caught on tape advising conservative activists who were posing as a prostitute and a pimp on how to evade the IRS. ACORN then lost funding from a number of federal sources. Issa quickly took credit for these developments.

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Why Darrell Issa’s New IRS Scandal Accusation Makes No Sense

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How We Survived Two Years of Hell As Hostages in Tehran

Mother Jones

SHANE

The nightmare began on July 31, 2009. I was living in Damascus, covering the Middle East as a freelance journalist, with my girlfriend, Sarah Shourd, a teacher. Our friend Josh Fattal had come to see us, and to celebrate, we took a short trip to Iraqi Kurdistan. The autonomous region—isolated from the violence that wracked the rest of Iraq—was a budding Western tourist destination. After two days of visiting castles and museums, we headed to the Zagros Mountains, where locals directed us to a campground near a waterfall. After a breakfast of bread and cheese, we hiked up a trail we’d been told offered beautiful views. We walked for a few hours, up a winding valley between brown mountains mottled with patches of yellow grass that looked like lion’s fur. We didn’t know that we were headed toward the worst 26 months of our lives.

JOSH (July 31, 2009)

“You guys,” Sarah says with hesitancy. “I think we should head back.”

“Really?” Shane sounds surprised. “How could we not pop up to the ridge? We’re so close.”

Shane knows I want to reach the top. “Josh, what do you want to do?” he asks.

“I think we should just go to the ridge—it’s only a couple minutes away. Let’s take a quick peek, then come right back down.” Just as we’re setting out, Sarah stops in her tracks. “There’s a soldier on the ridge. He’s got a gun,” she says. “He’s waving us up the trail.” I pause and look at my friends. Maybe it’s an Iraqi army outpost. We stride silently uphill. I can feel my heart pounding against my ribs.

The soldier is young and nonchalant, and he beckons us to him with a wave. When we finally approach him, he asks, “Farsi?”

Shane Bauer, Josh Fattal, and Sarah Shourd hiking in the Zagros Mountains, shortly before their capture.

Faransi?” Shane asks, then continues in Arabic. “I don’t speak French. Do you speak Arabic?”

“Shane!” I whisper urgently. “He asked if we speak Farsi!” I notice the red, white, and green flag on the soldier’s lapel. This isn’t an Iraqi soldier. We’re in Iran.

The soldier signals us to follow him to a small, unmarked building. Around us, mountains unfold in all directions. A portly man in a pink shirt who looks like he just woke up starts barking orders. He stays with us as his soldiers dig through our bags. His eyes are on Sarah—scanning up and down. I can feel her tensing up.

I keep asking, “Iran? Iraq?” trying to figure out where the border lies and pleading with them to let us go. Sarah finds a guy who speaks a little English and seems trustworthy. He points to the ground under his feet and says, “Iran.” Then he points to the road we came on and says, “Iraq.” We start making a fuss, insisting we should be allowed to leave because they called us over their border. He agrees and says in awkward English, “You are true.” It’s a remote outpost and our arrival is probably the most interesting thing that has happened for years.

The English speaker approaches us again after talking to the commander. “You. Go,” he says. “You. Go. Iran.”

SHANE (August 2, 2009)

Beneath the night sky, the city is smearing slowly past our windows. Who are these two men in the front seats? Where are they taking us? They aren’t speaking. The pudgy man in the passenger seat is making the little movements that nervous people do: coughing fake coughs; adjusting his seating position compulsively. Everyone in the car is trying to prove to one another, and maybe to ourselves, that we aren’t afraid.

But Sarah’s hand is growing limp in mine. Something is very wrong.

“He’s got a gun,” Josh says, startled but calm. “He just put it on the dash.”

“Where are we going?” Sarah asks in a disarming, honey-sweet voice. “Sssssss!” the pudgy man hisses, turning around and putting his finger to his lips. The headlights of the car trailing us light up his face, revealing his cold, bored eyes. He picks up the gun in his right hand and cocks it.

Sarah’s eyes widen. She leans toward the man in front and, with a note of desperation, says, “Ahmadinejad good!” (thumbs up) “Obama bad!” (thumbs down). The pistol is resting in his lap. He turns to face us again and holds both his hands out with palms facing each other. “Iran,” he says, nodding toward one hand. “America,” he says, lifting the other. “Problem,” he says, stretching out the distance between them.

Sarah turns to me. “Do you think he is going to hurt us?” she asks. I don’t know whether to respond or just stare at her.

In my mind, I see us pulling over to the side of the road and leaving the car quietly. My tremulous legs will convey me mechanically over the rocky earth. I will be holding Sarah’s hand and maybe Josh’s too, but I will be mostly gone already, walking flesh with no spirit. We won’t kiss passionately in our final moments before the trigger pull. We won’t scream. We won’t run. We won’t utter fabulous words of defiance as we stare down the gun barrel. We will be like mice, paralyzed by fear, limp in the slack jaw of a cat.

Each of us will fall, one by one, hitting the gravelly earth with a thud.

Sarah pumps Josh’s and my hands. Her eyes have sudden strength in them, forced yet somehow genuine. “We’re going to be okay, you guys. They are just trying to scare us.”

JOSH (August 4, 2009)

My sandals clap loudly on the floor as I try to catch my momentum and keep my balance. After every few steps, they spin me in circles. My mind tries desperately to remember the way back.

The door shuts behind me. The clanging metal reverberates until silence resumes. I stand at the door, distraught and disoriented. Whatever script, whatever drama I thought I was in, ends now. Whatever stage I thought I was on is now empty. I dodder to the corner of my cell and take a seat on the carpet. There is nothing in my 8-by-12-foot cell: no mattress, no chair—just a room, empty except for three wool blankets. My prison uniform—blue pants, blue collared shirt—blends with the blue marble wall behind me and the tight blue carpet below.

Shane and Sarah are probably sulking in the corners of their cells too. We agreed we’d hunger strike if we were split up. Now I don’t feel defiant. I just feel lost.

Sarah’s glasses are in my breast pocket. She gave them to me to hold when they made us wear blindfolds. She didn’t have pockets in her prison uniform—they dressed her in heaps of dark clothes, including a brown hijab. I empty my other pockets: lip balm from the hike and a wafer wrapper—the remnant of my measly lunch.

I don’t know what I’ll do in here for the rest of the day. I sense the hovering blankness—a zone of mindlessness that looms over my psyche and lives in the silence of my cell.

SARAH (August 6, 2009)

“Sarah, eat this cookie.”

“Not until I see Josh and Shane.”

I’m sitting blindfolded in a classroom chair. A cookie is on the desk in front of me.

“Do you think we care if you eat, Sarah?”

They do care. I know that much. I’ve been on hunger strike since they split us up two days ago. At first it was difficult, but I’m learning how to conserve my energy. When I stand up, my heart beats furiously, so I lie on the floor most of the day. Terrible thoughts and images occupy my mind—my mom balled up on the floor screaming when she learns I’ve been captured, masked prison guards coming into my cell to rape me—but I’ve found ways to distract myself, like slowly going over multiplication tables in my head.

“Sarah, why did you come to the Middle East to live in Damascus?” the interrogator asks. “Don’t you miss your family? Your country?”

“Yes, of course I do. But it’s only for a couple of years. I can’t believe you’re asking me this—do you realize how scared and worried my family must be? Why can’t I make a phone call and tell them I’m alive?”

There are four or five interrogators. The one who seems like the boss is pacing and talking angrily in Farsi. They tell me if I eat their cookie, I can see Shane and Josh.

“Let me see them first—then I’ll eat.”

“Sarah, you say you are a teacher. Have you ever been to the Pentagon?”

“No, I’ve never even been to Washington, DC.”

“Please, Sarah, tell the truth. How can you be a teacher, an educated person, and never go to the Pentagon? Describe to us just the lobby.”

“I’ve never been to the Pentagon. Teachers don’t go to the Pentagon!” I almost have to stop myself from laughing, partly because I’m weak from not eating and partly because I can’t really convince myself this nightmare is real.

JOSH (August 18, 2009)

In my mind I am already running. My feet patter quickly on the brick floor. All day, my energy is dammed up, but in the courtyard, energy courses through me. They take me for two half-hour sessions per day. I’m allotted a single lane next to other blindfolded prisoners. It’s the only time I feel alive all day—when I’m out here and thinking about escaping.

Once, when I heard a helicopter whirring near the prison, I deluded myself into believing freedom was imminent. I decided US officials must be negotiating our release and that I’d be free within three days. Now I cling to the idea of being released on Day 30. In the corner of my cell, the corner most difficult to see from the entryway, there are a host of tally marks scratched into the wall. I check the mean, median, and mode of the data sample. The longest detentions last three or four months, but most markings are less than 30 days. I remember an Iranian American was recently detained and released from prison. How long was she held? Thirty days seems like a fair enough time for the political maneuvering to sort itself out.

JOSH (August 30, 2009)

Suddenly, the metal door rattles. A guard signals me to clean my room and gather my belongings. I am prepared for this. The floor is already immaculate—sweeping the floor with my hands is one of my favorite activities. I grab my book and three dried dates stuffed with pistachio nuts to share with Sarah and Shane. I wasn’t crazy. Day 30 is for real.

When we’re in the car, I can hardly control my joy. I turn to Shane and Sarah, and we start giggling—nervous laughter—at the comfort of our companionship. Now that we’re together again, the weeks of solitude I’ve just endured seem like a distant memory. Was it really a month? Somehow this is funny to us.

Sarah tells me that she and Shane spoke to each other through a vent. They what? Sarah says, “I promise we didn’t do it much.” I can’t believe they were near each other. They had each other! I had nothing.

These guys don’t have a clue what I experienced. I would have done anything for a voice to talk to. I push the idea of them talking as far from my mind as possible, trying to convince myself of what I’d always assumed—we are in this together.

In the rearview mirror, I make eye contact with the stoic driver.

He slows to a stop, then lifts the emergency brake. His gaze, knowing and pitiless, conveys the truth. Shades and bars cover every window of the dirty, gray building before us. This is another prison.

JOSH (September 2, 2009)

In this prison, guards don’t hide their faces like they did in the last one. Some even talk to me. One guard, who speaks a little English, taught me the Farsi word for the courtyard we go to, hava khori. He told me that it literally means “eating air.”

I’ve even grown friendly with a guard I call “Friend.” I treated him amiably and he has responded in kind. He speaks awkward English and tries out colloquial expressions on me. He makes small talk, which can be the most significant event of my day. Friend gave me a bed and mattress, pistachios, bottled water, and crackers. He even gave me a small personal fridge that he put in the hallway in front of my cell. With snacks in front of me, I allowed myself to feel how hungry I’ve been, and how my stomach shrank after 11 days of hunger striking and four weeks on a prison diet.

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How We Survived Two Years of Hell As Hostages in Tehran

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Are We Bound to Forget How the Iraq War Really Happened?

Mother Jones

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This story first appeared on the TomDispatch website.

It’s 2053—20 years since you needed a computer, tablet, or smart phone to go online. At least, that’s true in the developed world: you know, China, India, Brazil, and even some parts of the United States. Cybernetic eye implants allow you to see everything with a digital overlay. And once facial recognition software was linked to high-speed records searches, you had the lowdown on every person standing around you. Of course, in polite society you still introduce yourself as if you don’t instantly know another person’s net worth, arrest record, and Amazooglebook search history. (Yes, the fading old-tech firms Amazon, Google, and Facebook merged in 2033.) You also get a tax break these days if you log into one of the government’s immersive propaganda portals. (Nope, “propaganda” doesn’t have negative connotations anymore.) So you choose the Iraq War 50th Anniversary Commemoration Experience and take a stroll through the virtual interactive timeline.

Look to your right, and you see happy Iraqis pulling down Saddam’s statueand showering US Marines with flowers and candy. Was that exactly how it happened? Who really remembers? Now, you’re walking on the flight deck of what they used to call an aircraft carrier behind a flight-suit-clad President George W. Bush. He turns and shoots you a thumbs-up under a “mission accomplished” banner. A voice beamed into your head says that Bush proclaimed victory that day, but that for years afterward, valiant US troops would have to re-win the war again and again. Sounds a little strange, but okay.

A few more paces down the digital road and you encounter a sullen looking woman holding a dog leash, the collar attached to a man lying nude on the floor of a prison. Your digital tour guide explains: “An unfortunate picture was taken. Luckily, the bad apple was punished and military honor was restored.” Fair enough. Soon, a digital General David Petraeus strides forward and shoots you another thumbs-up. (It looks as if they just put a new cyber-skin over the President Bush avatar to save money.) “He surged his way to victory and the mission was accomplished again,” you hear over strains of the National Anthem and a chorus of “hooahs.”

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Are We Bound to Forget How the Iraq War Really Happened?

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ALEC’s Campaign Against Renewable Energy

Mother Jones

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This story first appeared on the Guardian website and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

An alliance of corporations and conservative activists is mobilizing to penalize homeowners who install their own solar panels—casting them as “freeriders”—in a sweeping new offensive against renewable energy, the Guardian has learned.

Over the coming year, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) will promote legislation with goals ranging from penalizing individual homeowners and weakening state clean-energy regulations, to blocking the Environmental Protection Agency, which is Barack Obama’s main channel for climate action.

More MoJo reporting on the American Legislative Exchange Council.


ALEC’s Campaign Against Renewable Energy


ALEC Boots Mother Jones From Its Annual Conference


What Kind of Crazy Anti-Environment Bills Is ALEC Pushing Now?


Study: ALEC Is Bad for the Economy


Forced to Work Sick? That’s Fine With ALEC


ALEC in 1985: S&M Accidents Cause 10 Percent of San Francisco’s Homicides

Details of ALEC’s strategy to block clean-energy development at every stage—from the individual rooftop to the White House—are revealed as the group gathers for its policy summit in Washington this week.

About 800 state legislators and business leaders are due to attend the three-day event, which begins on Wednesday with appearances by Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson and the Republican budget guru and fellow Wisconsinite Paul Ryan.

Other ALEC speakers will include a leading figure behind the recent government shutdown, US Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), and the governors of Indiana and Wyoming, Mike Pence and Matt Mead.

For 2014, ALEC plans to promote a suite of model bills and resolutions aimed at blocking Barack Obama from cutting greenhouse gas emissions, and state governments from promoting the expansion of wind and solar power through regulations known as Renewable Portfolio Standards.

Documents obtained by the Guardian show the core elements of its strategy began to take shape at the previous board meeting in Chicago in August, with meetings of its energy, environment, and agriculture subcommittees.

Further details of ALEC’s strategy were provided by John Eick, the legislative analyst for ALEC’s energy, environment, and agriculture program.

Eick told the Guardian the group would be looking closely in the coming year at how individual homeowners with solar panels are compensated for feeding surplus electricity back into the grid.

“This is an issue we are going to be exploring,” Eick said. He said ALEC wanted to lower the rate electricity companies pay homeowners for direct power generation—and maybe even charge homeowners for feeding power into the grid.

“As it stands now, those direct generation customers are essentially freeriders on the system. They are not paying for the infrastructure they are using. In effect, all the other nondirect generation customers are being penalized,” he said.

Eick dismissed the suggestion that individuals who buy and install home-based solar panels had made such investments. “How are they going to get that electricity from their solar panel to somebody else’s house?” he said. “They should be paying to distribute the surplus electricity.”

In November, Arizona became the first state to charge customers for installing solar panels. The fee, which works out to about $5 a month for the average homeowner, was far lower than that sought by the main electricity company, which was seeking to add up to $100 a month to customers’ bills.

Gabe Elsner, director of the Energy and Policy Institute, said the attack on small-scale solar was part of the larger ALEC project to block clean energy. “They are trying to eliminate pro-solar policies in the states to protect utility industry profits,” he said.

The group sponsored at least 77 energy bills in 34 states last year. The measures were aimed at opposing renewable energy standards, pushing through the Keystone XL pipeline project, and barring oversight on fracking, according to an analysis by the Center for Media and Democracy.

Until now, the biggest target in ALEC’s sights were state renewable portfolio standards (RPS), which require electricity companies to source a share of their power from wind, solar, biomass, or other clean energy. Such measures are seen as critical to reducing America’s use of coal and oil, and to the fight against climate change. RPS are now in force in 30 states.

In 2012, ALEC drafted a model bill pushing for the outright repeal of RPS.

In the confidential materials, prepared for the August board meeting, ALEC claimed to have made significant inroads against such clean energy policies in 2013.

“Approximately 15 states across the country introduced legislation to reform, freeze, or repeal their state’s renewable mandate,” the task force reported.

DV.load(“//www.documentcloud.org/documents/842268-alec-2013-annual-meeting-policy-report.js”, width: 460, height: 500, sidebar: false, text: false, page: 4, container: “#DV-viewer-842268-alec-2013-annual-meeting-policy-report” ); ALEC 2013 Annual Meeting Policy Report (PDF)
ALEC 2013 Annual Meeting Policy Report (Text)

That compares to model bills in just seven states in support of the hot-button issue of the Keystone XL pipeline, according to figures in the documents.

“This legislative year has seen the most action on renewable mandates to date,” the documents said.

Three of those states—North Carolina, Ohio, and Kansas—saw strong pushes by conservative groups to reverse clean energy regulations this year.

None of those efforts passed, however, with signs of strong local support for wind farms and other clean energy projects that were seen as good for the economy—from Republicans as well as Democrats.

By August, ALEC evidently decided its hopes of winning outright repeal of RPS standards was overly ambitious.

At its meeting in August, ALEC put forward an initiative that would allow utility companies to import clean energy from other states—rather than invest in new, greener generation.

An “explanatory note” prepared for the meeting admitted: “One model policy may be the right fit for one state but not work for another”.

Elsner argued that after its bruising state battles in 2013, ALEC was now focused on weakening—rather than seeking outright repeal—of the clean-energy standards.

“What we saw in 2013 was an attempt to repeal RPS laws, and when that failed…what we are seeing now is a strategy that appears to be pro-clean-energy but would actually weaken those pro-clean-energy laws by retreating to the lowest common denominator,” he said.

The other key agenda item for ALEC’s meeting this week is the EPA. The group is looking at two proposals to curb the agency’s powers—one to shut the EPA out of any meaningful oversight of fracking, and the other to block action on climate change.

A model bill endorsed by the ALEC board of directors last August would strip the EPA of power to shut down a frack site or oil industry facility.

That would leave oversight of an industry that has to date fracked two-meter wells in 20 states to a patchwork of local authorities that have vastly different standards of environmental protection.

The model bill would explicitly bar the EPA from shutting down any oil or gas well or facility in any of them, limiting the agency’s capacity to enforce the clean water and clean air acts.

“The legislature declares that the United States Environmental Protection Agency…lacks the authority to deny permits of operation to these oil and gas wells and facilities,” the bill reads.

Eick said the bill was in keeping with the group’s broader philosophy of expanding power to the states.

“A national regulatory agency might impose a cookie-cutter, one-size-fits-all regulation on states in many instances,” he said.

The meeting will also focus on Obama’s plan, announced last June, to use the EPA to limit greenhouse gas emissions from future and existing power plants.

“The EPA’s forthcoming regulation of greenhouse gas emissions and specifically carbon emissions from power plants will be of incredible interest to states and membership so we are going to be focusing on that. Absolutely,” Eick said.

Power plants are the biggest source of greenhouse gas emissions, accounting for about 40 percent last year. The EPA last September proposed new standards for future power plants, and will tighten limits for existing power plants next June.

“It just shows that ALEC uses lawmakers as lobbyists to block climate legislation at every turn,” said Connor Gibson, a researcher for Greenpeace. “They try to undermine the authority of agencies that have the power potentially to control carbon pollution, so whenever there is a new EPA rule that pops up, they retool their arsenal of model bills to make sure they are blocking the new rule.”

The resolution on the EPA for ALEC members’ consideration this week argues that requiring tougher standards from the next generation of power plants lead to spikes in electricity prices and would damage the economy.

“ALEC is very concerned about the potential economic impact of greenhouse gas regulation on electricity prices and the harm EPA regulations may have on the economic recovery,” the resolution reads.

Environmental lawyers said the resolution amounted to a “new manifesto” against the EPA regulating carbon pollution. “They don’t want the EPA to regulate greenhouse gas emissions,” said Ann Weeks, legal director for the Clean Air Task Force.

She disputed a number of claims within the ALEC resolution—including the assertion that reducing carbon pollution would lead to an 80 percent rise in electricity prices. Economic analyses by the EPA and others have suggested those rises would be fairly limited.

“They will probably tell you they don’t want the EPA to regulate anything, so it is in their interest to turn what the EPA has proposed into something that is grotesque and unreasonable, which I don’t think is true,” Weeks said.

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ALEC’s Campaign Against Renewable Energy

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Cloudsourcing: Power Clouds Takes New Approach to Solar Energy

Building the grid for the solar park in Scornicesti, Romania. Photo: Power Clouds

When it comes to providing energy, a Singapore-based company has its head in the clouds. And they’re hoping it will revolutionize the way energy systems are developed.

Power Clouds is building large-scale solar parks and commercial rooftop energy plants to harness power for remote regions of the world. Beginning with three solar parks in Scornicesti, Romania, the company put its first plant into operation in August, with the third plant scheduled to go into operation in December. Attilio Palumbo, project manager for Power Clouds, says they chose that region based on several factors.

“[We looked at] the country’s social and economic stability, geographical characteristics, weather conditions, the country’s economic support and the population’s energy demand,” he says. “We will soon officially announce the locations of the fourth and fifth plants that will be built.”

In addition to harnessing energy for the region, the company’s unique business model invites outside individuals to become a part of the solution. The solar panels for each project are purchased by outside companies or individuals, who buy a panel (or “cloud”) for $1,200 under a hire-purchase contract. The panel is installed in the solar park, and when the plant becomes operational, the purchaser receives a monthly check from Power Clouds, which essentially rents back the panel from the purchaser.

The agreement lasts for 20 years, and Palumbo claims that, during that time, they will receive back about 400 percent of their initial purchase price.

“The economic returns begin the moment the solar plant goes into operation,” he explains. “Over the first five years, people [recoup] the amount spent on the panel’s purchase, and continue to receive monthly returns for the next 15 years after that.”

He says the monthly revenue generated consists of a fixed fee plus a variable amount based on each plant’s actual energy production. Each solar park takes less than four months to complete, and he says panel purchasers for the inaugural solar park are already receiving financial returns.

Homepage photo credit: morgueFile/pedrojperez

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Cloudsourcing: Power Clouds Takes New Approach to Solar Energy

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Innovative Maryland Program Provides Green Job Training

Members of the 2013-2014 Chesapeake Conservation Corps prepare the ground for planting shrubs before beginning their new assignments. Photo: Chesapeake Conservation Corps

More than two dozen young adults will spend the next year improving Maryland’s environment while getting valuable on-the-job training.

The latest class of the Chesapeake Conservation Corps program, which is administered by the Chesapeake Bay Trust and pairs young adults with conservation-minded organizations throughout the state, rolled up their sleeves and went to work last week. The job training program, created in 2010 by the Maryland Legislature, puts participants to work in areas that will advance conservation efforts and help protect local rivers, streams and the Chesapeake Bay.

“The Maryland Legislature wanted to develop a corps program that engaged young people in the conservation of natural resources,” explains Jana Davis, executive director of the Chesapeake Bay Trust, which manages the Corps. “There were other programs out there, but we added the environmental piece and made it more of a mentorship-based experience.”

While other conservation corps programs typically have a crew-based approach, the Chesapeake Conservation Corps created an individual-focused program, where each participant works with an organization to accomplish conservation goals.

“Each one of the young people has a capstone project they’re responsible for,” Davis says. “It’s a way for them to build new skills, gain professional work experience, and it’s something they can use to market themselves when it’s done.”

As a result, many of the participants end up getting hired by the organization at the end of their one-year assignment. This year, 11 of the 25 participants landed full-time employment when their assignments ended in August. Among those were Ann DeSanctis, who worked as an environmental educator with the Anacostia Watershed Society, then was hired as its volunteer and project coordinator when her one-year term ended.

“This was an invaluable hands-on experience,” she says. “Being able to see how a nonprofit works, and to be able to get involved in a network like this, is so important. For me, it really helped me learn what it was that I wanted to do. It cemented in me that I am in the right field.”

Next page: The Expanding Program

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Innovative Maryland Program Provides Green Job Training

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