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Senate passes energy modernization bill that would have been modern in 1980

Senate passes energy modernization bill that would have been modern in 1980

By on Apr 20, 2016commentsShare

The Senate passed the Energy Policy Modernization Act on Wednesday, the first comprehensive energy bill in nearly a decade. The bill will fund an increase in renewable energy as well as boost funding for natural gas, geothermal energy, and hydropower. The bill also reauthorizes a half-billion dollars to protect public lands and parks, updates building codes to increase efficiency and safety standards, and addresses the threat of potential cyberattacks on the electrical grid, reports The New York Times.

While the bill was hailed as a bipartisan victory by authors Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Sen. Maria Cantwell of Washington, 350.org likened it to the “V.H.S. of climate policy” — in other words, dated. It overlooks some obvious issues: Namely, it doesn’t come even close to addressing climate change.  The final compromise also leaves out a provision from an earlier version that would have provided hundreds of millions of dollars to fix Flint’s water pipes after lead contamination. Republicans vowed to block the bill if funding wasn’t removed.

Environmentalists also object to measures that will speed the export of domestically produced natural gas, the expansion of methane hydrate research and development, the delay on updating furnace efficiency standards, and the expansion of funding for nuclear research.

What some senators are thinking about doing to address climate change, however, is directing funds to the Department of Energy to a study a form of geoengineering, reports the journal Science. Known as albedo modification, the potential climate solution involves dispersing tiny particles into the atmosphere that would reflect sunlight away from the planet, and, if it’s successful, cool it. But that’s a big if. The effects of such a scheme are unknown, and there are plenty of critics who worry that geoengineering research diverts much-needed funds and focus away from technology that we know will reduce carbon emissions, like wind and solar. The measure has gone through the appropriations committee but has yet to be taken up by the Senate.

As for the Senate energy bill, negotiators must now work with the House, which has passed a similar version of the bill that also increases production of oil, coal and natural gas, before it goes to the president.

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Senate passes energy modernization bill that would have been modern in 1980

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How Cruz and Trump Dissed 9/11 Rescue Workers

Mother Jones

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Firefighters make their way over the ruins and through clouds of smoke at the World Trade Center in October 2001. Stan Honda/AP

Earlier this year in the GOP presidential race, Ted Cruz took a poke at Donald Trump by derisively referring to “New York values.” The jab sparked an uproar, and the celebrity tycoon blasted Cruz in response, citing New York City’s heroic response to the 9/11 attacks. As the two face off before Tuesday’s New York primary, Trump has been reminding Empire State voters that Cruz dissed them. But he has not pounded Cruz for ducking an effort to help the heroes of 9/11—the rescue and recovery workers who years afterward have dealt with severe health issues. When legislation was pending in the Senate last year to assist these workers, Cruz did not publicly support it. This ought to be ripe material for Trump to exploit. Except for one thing: Trump, too, did nothing to help this measure move through Congress.

Here’s the deal. Last year, the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act—which provided medical coverage to workers who searched for victims at the site of the attack and who cleared the debris—expired. These workers were exposed to a variety of toxins, and hundreds of them have died from a range of afflictions, including various cancers. (Zadroga was a a New York City cop who died of a respiratory disease attributed to his participation in the rescue and recovery operations.) House and Senate members proposed a $3.5 billion extension that would last for 75 years. New York officials pleaded with Congress to pass the bill. Former Daily Show host Jon Stewart joined former rescue and recovery workers in lobbying Congress to adopt the legislation.

Many legislators in the House and the Senate heeded the call. Sixty-eight senators co-sponsored the bill, which had been introduced by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.). This list included 23 Republicans, but not Cruz.

Last August, Richard Alles, a deputy fire chief and board member of Citizens for the Extension of the James Zadroga Act, wrote to Cruz and asked if he would support the bill—and if he would sign the bill if he were president. Cruz didn’t respond. Months later, Alles tried again. Still, nothing from Cruz.

Meanwhile, Republican leaders refused to move the bill forward, and it became a victim of partisan maneuvering involving a big transportation spending bill. Eventually, the 9/11 bill was stuffed into a must-pass spending bill at the end of last year, and Congress approved this package. In the Senate, the vote was 65 to 33. Cruz voted no. Of course, he and other GOPers had reasons to oppose the overall spending measure. And this week, Cruz told Mother Jones, “I very much supported the Zadroga Act, it was just rolled into a giant omnibus that required funding Obamacare, funding President Obama’s illegal amnesty, funding the president’s foolhardy plan to bring tens of thousands of Syrian Muslim refugees who could be ISIS terrorists to America. So I voted against the omnibus because I oppose those policies. I would have enthusiastically voted for the Zadroga Act as a freestanding bill.” But Cruz had not co-sponsored the 9/11 legislation. And he had ignored requests to explain his position.

Cruz’s failure to publicly support the 9/11 rescue and recovery workers certainly left him vulnerable to criticism from New Yorkers and others. After Cruz in January made his crack about “New York values” and tried to recover by praising New York cops and firefighters, Rep. Peter King (R-N.Y.) called him a “fraud” and pointed to his lack of public support for the Zadroga Act. And Harold Schaitberger, president of the International Association of Fire Fighters, declared, “He left the 9/11 responders behind.”

So here was a ready-made issue for Trump to use against Cruz during the New York primary. Yet Trump had just as lousy a record on the Zadroga Act. Advocates for the bill have slammed the GOP front-runner—who often praises cops and hails New York City’s 9/11 efforts—for doing nothing to help pass the measure. As ABC News reported in January:

Facing the expiration of the James Zadroga Act in October—a law passed in 2010 to fund health care for more than 70,000 sick first responders and the 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund—Alles and other advocates asked all the presidential candidates to support a bipartisan bill to permanently fund the programs.

Trump’s campaign did not return multiple letters and calls requesting his support for reauthorizing the Zadroga Act last fall, said Alles, who drafted the letters to the candidates as a board member of the group Citizens for the Extension of the James Zadroga Act. The campaign also did not respond to requests for comment from reporters covering the story at the time.

“It frustrated the hell out of me because he’s such a supporter of law enforcement,” said Anthony Flammia, a retired NYPD officer and registered Republican who said he hasn’t settled on which presidential candidate he’ll be voting for. “He didn’t even comment on it.”

Trump’s campaign would not respond to repeated requests from ABC News for comment.

Trump has repeatedly clashed with Cruz rhetorically over “New York values” and has attempted to use 9/11 as a political weapon against the Texas senator. But when the matter at hand was whether to provide assistance to those who responded heroically to the horrific attack, there was basically no difference between the two. They each told these New Yorkers: Fuggedaboutit.

Additional reporting by Pema Levy.

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How Cruz and Trump Dissed 9/11 Rescue Workers

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Tech and Privacy Experts Erupt Over Leaked Encryption Bill

Mother Jones

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A draft of a highly anticipated Senate encryption bill was leaked to The Hill late on Thursday night, sparking a swift backlash from technology and privacy groups even before the legislation has been introduced.

The bill is co-sponsored by Sens. Richard Burr (R-N.C.) and Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), the chairman and ranking Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee. Both senators are leading advocates for encryption “backdoors” that would allow law enforcement and intelligence agencies to read secure messages. Some government officials, led by FBI Director James Comey, say such access is needed because criminals and terrorists are increasingly using encryption to dodge surveillance as they plot crimes and attacks. But tech and privacy advocates say there’s nothing to prevent cybercriminals and hackers from exploiting the same backdoors.

The Burr-Feinstein bill would require companies to respond to court orders for data by providing decrypted information or giving the government “such technical assistance as is necessary to obtain such information or data in an intelligible format.” The bill covers virtually every company involved with providing secure internet services, from device manufacturers and the makers of encrypted chat apps to “any person who provides a product or method to facilitate a communication or the processing or storage of data.” The bill does not lay out the penalties for refusing to comply with such court orders, as Apple recently did when it rejected the FBI’s request to help unlock an iPhone belonging to one of the San Bernardino shooters. An Apple lawyer declined to comment on the bill during a conference call with reporters on Friday.

Cryptography experts and privacy advocates immediately and overwhelmingly condemned the bill. “I could spend all night listing the various ways that Feinstein-Burr is flawed & dangerous. But let’s just say, ‘in every way possible,'” wrote Matt Blaze, a prominent cryptographer and professor at the University of Pennsylvania, in a tweet late on Thursday night. Julian Sanchez, a privacy and technology expert at the libertarian Cato Institute, responded similarly:

Advocates charge that the bill’s broad language will act as a dragnet, making nearly every tech company that provides an encrypted service subject to decryption requests that smaller companies may be unable to handle. “It will force companies that have implemented the strongest security measures to backtrack in order to poke holes in their own systems, and will prevent others from developing those systems in the first place,” said Amie Stepanovich, the US policy director for the digital freedom advocacy group Access Now, in a statement.

Reuters reported on Thursday that the White House would not support the bill, in keeping with its pledge last year not to demand any laws mandating backdoors into encryption. But White House deputy press secretary Eric Schultz insisted the report was wrong and that the bill was still under review. “The idea that we’re going to withhold support for a bill that’s not introduced yet is inaccurate,” he told reporters aboard Air Force One.

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Tech and Privacy Experts Erupt Over Leaked Encryption Bill

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Mississippi Poised to Pass Breathtaking Anti-LGBT Law

Mother Jones

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The Mississippi House of Representatives passed a sweeping anti-LGBT law on Friday that will make it easier to discriminate against gender and sexual minorities in the state.

The so-called Religious Liberty Accommodations Act is meant to protect people, businesses, and organizations with “sincerely held” religious beliefs about the sanctity of traditional marriage. The bill also says gender is determined by “an individual’s immutable biological sex as objectively determined by anatomy and genetics at time of birth.”

The Mississippi measure comes on the heels of similar anti-LGBT bills passed in North Carolina and Georgia in March. The North Carolina law was widely regarded as the broadest anti-LGBT law in the country for requiring transgender people from to use the restroom of the sex listed on their birth certificate and striking down existing LGBT nondiscrimination statutes. Georgia’s bill was vetoed by Gov. Nathan Deal.

But the Mississippi bill is so sweeping that it may be more discriminatory than even the North Carolina statute. The Mississippi bill would essentially make it impossible to sue for gender or sexuality discrimination if the motivation for the discrimination was religion.

Here are some of the bill’s provisions:

Any organization can decline “to provide services, accommodations, facilities, goods or privileges for a purpose related to the solemnization, formation, celebration or recognition of any marriage.”
Employers can make a “decision whether or not to hire, terminate or discipline an individual whose conduct or religious beliefs are inconsistent with those of the religious organization.”
Mississippians can deny housing based on religious beliefs.
Foster care organizations and adoption agencies can “decline to provide any adoption or foster care service” without fear of retribution.
The state can’t prosecute any person who “declines to participate in the provision of treatments, counseling, or surgeries related to sex reassignment or gender identity transitioning or declines to participate in the provision of psychological, counseling or fertility services” or any wedding- or marriage-related services.
Schools and business owners can establish “sex-specific standards or policies concerning employee or student dress or grooming, or concerning access to restrooms, spas, baths, showers, dressing rooms, locker rooms, or other intimate facilities or settings.”

During a brief debate on the bill, opponents said the bill was a step back for the state. Proponents said it would protect Mississippians from religious discrimination.

“We should not be intimidated, not buy into the April fool’s propaganda being disseminated by national media,” said Rep. Andy Gipson, an author of the bill. “This is an anti-discrimination bill.”

The bill overwhelmingly passed the House by an 85-24 vote. The Senate approved the measure once in March but will vote on it a second time next week because Democrats have asked for a procedural vote on Monday—likely as a delaying tactic.

If the state Senate approves the measure next week, it will go to Gov. Bryant’s desk for a signature. All indications are that he will sign. Earlier this week, Bryant said he doesn’t think the bill is discriminatory. “I think it gives some people as I appreciate it, the right to be able to say, ‘That’s against my religious beliefs, and I don’t need to carry out that particular task.'”

But when asked by reporters about his intentions on Friday, Bryant said he has not made up his mind yet because he still needs to “look at it” and decide.

This article has been revised.

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Mississippi Poised to Pass Breathtaking Anti-LGBT Law

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US Capitol on Lockdown as Gunshots Are Reported

Mother Jones

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The US Capitol complex is on lockdown after gunshots were reported at the Capitol Visitor Center on Monday afternoon.

The Capitol’s sergeant at arms said that the shooter had been caught shortly after reports of the gunshots first surfaced.

Senate offices have received a notice urging everyone in the vicinity to seek shelter:

The White House was reportedly also locked down:

But the White House lockdown was soon lifted:

This is a breaking news post. We will update as more news becomes available.

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US Capitol on Lockdown as Gunshots Are Reported

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Watch the horror of a Republican senator forced to pick between Trump and Cruz

Watch the horror of a Republican senator forced to pick between Trump and Cruz

By on 25 Mar 2016commentsShare

Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham went on the The Daily Show to explain his endorsement of Texas Senator and presidential candidate Ted Cruz for the GOP nomination, but mostly ended up chortling with host Trevor Noah about how “completely screwed up” his own party has become.

“He was my 15th choice, what can I say?” Graham said of Cruz, who he’d previously slammed at the Washington Press Club Foundation Dinner in February with the line, “If you killed Ted Cruz on the floor of the Senate, and the trial was in the Senate, nobody could convict you.”

But with Donald Trump leading in the race for delegates, Graham and many other establishment Republicans are between rock and a hard place — or, as Graham put it, left to choose between “being shot in the head” (Trump) or “being poisoned” (Cruz). So, he and others like Jeb Bush are hopping on the “Ted Train” in a last-ditch attempt to stop the Donald from netting the presidential nomination.

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Mitch McConnell likes procrastinating so much, he wants the whole country to do it

Mitch McConnell likes procrastinating so much, he wants the whole country to do it

By on 23 Mar 2016 11:04 amcommentsShare

The most powerful man in the Senate isn’t interested in doing his job, and he’s telling state leaders around the country: Why should you do yours?

That man would be Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, whose steadfast refusal to consider a Supreme Court nominee until after the election gives new meaning to the word “dillydally.” Now the Kentucky Republican, in a letter published Monday to state governors, is also urging procrastination on another important issue: climate change.

McConnell is referring specifically to the Environmental Protection Agency’s Clean Power Plan, which requires states to submit plans for curbing carbon pollution from power plants an average of 32 percent by 2030. It’s the centerpiece of President Obama’s climate-fighting agenda, and McConnell has been urging states to drag their heels since the EPA issued the rule a year ago, when he told them to  “just say no.”  McConnell argued that states should refuse to submit a carbon-cutting plan to the EPA as a means of protest, even though legal experts dismissed his reasoning.

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Now McConnell is emboldened by the Supreme Court’s unexpected decision in February to stay the Clean Power Plan while the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit decides the case. If the courts do uphold the rule, McConnell insists there is no risk for states to stop planning for implementation. “[E]ven if the CPP is ultimately upheld,” he writes to governors, “the clock would start over and your states would have ample time to formulate and submit a plan; but if the court overturns the CPP as I predict, your citizens would not be left with unnecessary economic harm.”

Legal scholars say McConnell is once again giving terrible advice. “No one knows how it’s going to play out” in the courts, New York University Institute for Policy Integrity Senior Attorney Jack Lienke (and sometime Grist contributor) told me. “All we know is the rule is stayed until this litigation is resolved, and we don’t know exactly how it’s going to be resolved.”

There’s no reason for states to assume that if they stop their work now, the “clock would start over” and their time to implement the Clean Power Plan would be extended if the rule is upheld, Lienke said. The courts could do any number of things, as could the EPA. “It is bad advice to suggest they should count on that happening. The Supreme Court orders granting the stay didn’t say anything about holding up deadlines.”

Since the Supreme Court’s stay was issued last month, 19 states have kept working toward the Clean Power Plan regs, while 19 states have halted their efforts (four states are exempt because they have so few coal-fired power plants sector). McConnell’s letter is meant to help sway the nine states still debating what to do into the procrastinator’s column.

Ironically, his advice could wind up hurting the coal-reliant states (like his home state of Kentucky) that need extra time to begin a clean-energy transition. Foot dragging might be McConnell’s speciality, but it’s no good for anything but his political machinations.

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Mitch McConnell likes procrastinating so much, he wants the whole country to do it

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Are There GMOs in Cheerios? Soon You’ll Know.

Mother Jones

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Is Big Food ready to surrender to it critics and begin to label genetically modified ingredients? In the past week, grocery-aisle titans Kellogg, Mars, and General Mills, have all announced plans to label their products. In doing so, they join soup giant Campbell’s, which announced its own labeling plan in January.

The spur, as I reported recently, is a Vermont labeling requirement set to go into effect on July 1. Rather than have to segregate products destined for Vermont (a state with a population of 626,000) for labeling, these firms have decided it’s easier to just label everything.

In a blog post on the company website last week, a General Mills exec laid out the rationale: “We can’t label our products for only one state without significantly driving up costs for our consumers and we simply will not do that. The result: consumers all over the US will soon begin seeing words legislated by the state of Vermont on the labels of many of their favorite General Mills products.”

The moves represent quite a departure for large food manufacturers. Led by the Grocery Manufacturers Association—a trade group made up of processors like the above-named companies as well as genetically modified seed/pesticide purveyors like Monsanto and DuPont—the food and agrichemical industries have fought labeling efforts mightily, pumping tens of millions of dollars to defeat initiatives in California and Washington state.

The GMA has also enthusiastically promoted a series of bills before Congress that would nullify any state labeling requirements. The latest one died in the Senate last week. I asked the GMA whether it still hoped to reverse Vermont’s law with federal legislation.

“These company announcements show that the Senate needs to find and pass a uniform national standard for food labeling when it returns in April from its recess,” a GMA spokesman replied.

So, expect a renewed push for an anti-labeling bill later this spring. In the meantime, gigantic food companies appear to be none too optimistic this effort will succeed, if the announcements from Kellogg, et al, are any indication.

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Are There GMOs in Cheerios? Soon You’ll Know.

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These Right-Wing Groups Are Gearing Up for an Onslaught on Obama’s Supreme Court Nominee

Mother Jones

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On Wednesday, President Barack Obama picked Merrick Garland, a federal court of appeals judge with a stellar and moderate reputation, to replace the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia. His strategy was obvious: present obstructionist Republicans with a nominee with little or no baggage. But Senate Republicans immediately signaled that the Garland nomination would not change their calculations—that the fight to block any nominee was on. And prior to Obama’s announcement, conservative groups were already gearing up for this crusade, perhaps the last big battle of the right’s war on Obama.

The political players leading this effort are the usual suspects. The Republican National Committee had already announced plans to oppose Obama’s nominee—whoever it might be—and to run ads in competitive Senate races in Colorado, Ohio, Florida, New Hampshire and elsewhere, in addition to targeting Democratic members of the Senate Judiciary Committee. The tea party group FreedomWorks is rallying grassroots voters to the cause. On the other side of political spectrum, liberal advocacy groups such as the Alliance for Justice and People for the American Way are girding for a massive fight.

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These Right-Wing Groups Are Gearing Up for an Onslaught on Obama’s Supreme Court Nominee

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General Mills is doing GMO labeling, because it’s just easier

General Mills is doing GMO labeling, because it’s just easier

By on 18 Mar 2016commentsShare

General Mills announced Friday that it would start labeling its products containing genetically modified ingredients. You’ll see them on packaging soon, and you can already check the status of your Count Chocula Cereal and Nature Valley Granola Bars at a company website. The move comes ahead of a Vermont law mandating GMO labels in that state, and because there is no easy way to separate products going to one state, the company decided to add labels nationwide.

“We can’t label our products for only one state without significantly driving up costs for our consumers and we simply will not do that,” wrote Jeff Harmening, General Mills’ chief operating officer, on the food giant’s blog.

The announcement follows a failed bid earlier this week by Sen. Pat Roberts (R-Kan.) to fast-track a bill that would have blocked the Vermont labeling law. The Senate shot down that bill on Wednesday. But the measure is likely to re-emerge in coming months, and could still pass. Apparently, “likely” and “could” aren’t reassuring enough for General Mills.

With the exception of organic companies, the food industry had been united in pushing against mandatory labeling of genetically engineered ingredients. But as the Vermont law comes into effect July 1, companies are beginning to break ranks.

Campbell’s Soup announced earlier this year that it would begin labeling its GMO products, and support either a mandatory labeling law or a voluntary labeling law, as long as it established a national standard. Now General Mills seems to have decided that it can’t gamble on Congress providing a deus ex machina, and followed the lead of Campbell’s Soup. It’s likely that more will join them.

Companies that were marching together are now breaking out of formation. If each company goes its own way there will be much less pressure on Congress to pass a bill blocking labeling.

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General Mills is doing GMO labeling, because it’s just easier

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