Tag Archives: taliban

Bowe Bergdahl Ordered to Face Court Martial

Mother Jones

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Bowe Bergdahl, the Army sergeant whose 2014 release by the Taliban prompted a firestorm of controversy over the nature of his five-year captivity, was ordered by a high-ranking Army commander on Monday to face a court martial on charges of desertion and endangering his fellow soldiers.

If convicted of leaving his post in Afghanistan without permission, the New York Times reports, Bergdahl could face a life sentence. The date of the hearing will be announced at a later time.

An Army lawyer had previously recommended Bergdahl face lesser charges for his alleged offenses. The decision on Monday also comes just days after the popular podcast Serial launched its second season, which will investigate Bergdahl’s divisive story.

In 2014, five Taliban leaders were released in exchange for the Taliban’s release of Bergdahl.

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Bowe Bergdahl Ordered to Face Court Martial

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Media Goes Wild Over Hagel Firing But Not Obama’s Secret Afghanistan Reversal

Mother Jones

There’s little the Washington-centric political-media universe loves more than the story of a fallen star. The defenestration of Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel has reporters and pundits in a schadenfreude-driven tizzy. Was he fired? Was he in over his head? OMG, look at how the White House is dumping on him, as he departs! Who’s passing nasty notes in class about him?

The presumably forced resignation of Hagel is indeed big news. The Obama administration is confronting a host of new national security challenges: ISIS, Ukraine, Ebola. So the guy (or gal) in charge of the Pentagon has to be nimble and able to handle this expanding and shifting to-do list. And Hagel, ever since his underwhelming performance at his confirmation hearing, has not been (at least in public) a confidence-inspiring Cabinet member. So perhaps President Barack Obama can do better—though the elbowing Hagel is receiving on the way out seems poor manners.

Yet here’s a useful exercise. Compare the red-hot media reaction to Hagel’s bye-bye to the response to the New York Timeseye-popping report that Obama signed a secret order to expand the US military mission in Afghanistan next year. The story about one man—yes, one of the cool kids in DC—is at least an order of magnitude higher on the MediaReax-ometer. Any tidbit from an anonymous source about de-Hagelization gets immediate attention from tweeting journos. But the story about this significant policy shift has prompted mostly a yawn.

In case you missed it—the story was posted online on Friday but appeared in Saturday’s dead-trees edition—the Times revealed that Obama, who last May said the United States would have no combat missions in Afghanistan in 2015 (and only train Afghan forces and hunt Al Qaeda “remnants”), had secretly authorized American forces

to carry out missions against the Taliban and other militant groups threatening American troops or the Afghan government, a broader mission than the president described to the public earlier this year, according to several administration, military and congressional officials with knowledge of the decision. The new authorization also allows American jets, bombers and drones to support Afghan troops on combat missions.

This is a quasi-BFD—and the result of what the Times called “a lengthy and heated debate that laid bare the tension inside the Obama administration between two often-competing imperatives: the promise Mr. Obama made to end the war in Afghanistan, versus the demands of the Pentagon that American troops be able to successfully fulfill their remaining missions in the country.”

In other words, Obama, for good or bad, has decided to extend the war he said he was ending. This report did not produce a cable news frenzy or a storm of tweets. But it’s just as important as who’s going to be in charge of implementing this major change of plans—if not more so.

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Media Goes Wild Over Hagel Firing But Not Obama’s Secret Afghanistan Reversal

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How The US Helped ISIS Grow Into a Monster

Mother Jones

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This story first appeared on the TomDispatch website. This essay is excerpted from the first chapter of Patrick Cockburn’s new book, The Jihadis Return: ISIS and the New Sunni Uprising, with special thanks to his publisher, OR Books. The first section is a new introduction written for TomDispatch.

There are extraordinary elements in the present US policy in Iraq and Syria that are attracting surprisingly little attention. In Iraq, the US is carrying out air strikes and sending in advisers and trainers to help beat back the advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (better known as ISIS) on the Kurdish capital, Erbil. The US would presumably do the same if ISIS surrounds or attacks Baghdad. But in Syria, Washington’s policy is the exact opposite: there the main opponent of ISIS is the Syrian government and the Syrian Kurds in their northern enclaves. Both are under attack from ISIS, which has taken about a third of the country, including most of its oil and gas production facilities.

But US, Western European, Saudi, and Arab Gulf policy is to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad, which happens to be the policy of ISIS and other jihadis in Syria. If Assad goes, then ISIS will be the beneficiary, since it is either defeating or absorbing the rest of the Syrian armed opposition. There is a pretense in Washington and elsewhere that there exists a “moderate” Syrian opposition being helped by the US, Qatar, Turkey, and the Saudis. It is, however, weak and getting more so by the day. Soon the new caliphate may stretch from the Iranian border to the Mediterranean and the only force that can possibly stop this from happening is the Syrian army.

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How The US Helped ISIS Grow Into a Monster

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This Week in 13 Photos: Sgt. Bergdahl, D-Day and Tiananmen Remembered, and Elections around the World

Mother Jones

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This week, the rescue of Army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl after his five years held hostage by the Taliban raised big questions: Lawmakers wondered if the trade for five Taliban detainees at Guantanamo was worth it, and voiced concern about not being notified properly of the prisoner release. Others grew upset at the possibility that the controversial swap helped free a soldier who may have deserted his post.

The week also marked several anniversaries: the 70th anniversary of D-Day, the 30th anniversary of the Bhopal disaster in India, the 25th anniversary of the pro-democracy protests in Beijing’s Tiananmen square and the one year anniversary of the Gezi Park protests in Turkey. Syria held elections, despite little doubt that current president Bashar al-Assad would coast to victory. Eight US states also held primary elections.

A new state formed in India, the country’s 29th, after a five-decade long campaign. Ukrainian president-elect Petro Poroshenko met briefly with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin at a D-Day memorial in France. And two shootings, one in Eastern Canada and another in Seattle, made headlines. Here are the week’s events, captured in photos:

A woman rides in a car bearing president Bashar al-Assad’s portrait and painted the colors of the Syrian flag in Damascus, Syria on June 3. Dusan Vranic/AP Photo

Former paratrooper Fred Glover, 88, of the 9th regiment from Brighton, watches the landing of parachutists in Normandy on June 6, the 70th anniversary of D-Day. Michael Kappeler/DPA/ZUMA Press

German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Ukrainian president-elect Petro Poroshenko, and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin meet on June 6 at an event in France commemorating the 70th anniversary of D-Day. Guido Bergmann/DPA/ZUMA Press

Seattle Mayor Ed Murray speaks on June 2 at a rally outside city hall after Seattle’s city council passed a $15 minimum wage measure. Ted S. Warren/AP Photo

On June 1, residents of Hyderabad celebrate the formation of India’s 29th state, Telangana, marking the formal division of the southern state of Andhra Pradesh. Mahesh Kumar A./AP Photo

A man works at a metal factory on World Environment Day, June 5, in Dhaka, Bangladesh. The UN-designated holiday aims to raise awareness of environmental issues. A.M. Ahad/AP Photo

Tens of thousands of people attend a candlelight vigil at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park on June 4, marking the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen square crackdown on Beijing’s pro-democracy movement. Vincent Yu/AP Photo

A National Transportation Safety Board official looks through wreckage on June 2 in Bedford, Massachusetts, where a plane erupted in flames during a takeoff attempt. Lewis Katz, co-owner of the Philadelphia Inquirer, and six other people died in the crash. Mark Garfinkel/Boston Herald/Pool/AP Photo

US Sen. Thad Cochran (R-Miss.) on June 4 as he leaves a stop on the first day of a three-week campaign. Cochran, 76, is seeking a seventh term, and will face state Sen. Chris McDaniel in a run-off election in late June. Rogelio V. Solis/AP Photo

The coal-fired Plant Scherer on June 1 in Juliette, Georgia. The Obama administration unveiled a plan Monday to cut carbon dioxide emissions from power plants by nearly a third over the next 15 years. John Amis/AP Photo

Turkish protesters clash with police during the one-year anniversary of the Gezi Park protests on May 31 in Istanbul, Turkey. Cesare Quinto/NurPhoto/ZUMA Press

Police in New Brunswick, Canada search for a suspect who killed three Canadian police officers and injured two others on June 4. 24-year-old Justin Bourque turned himself in after a massive manhunt. Steve Russell/The Toronto Star/ZUMA Press

President Obama walks back to the Oval Office with the parents of US Army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl, after announcing their son’s release by the Taliban after five years in captivity. Rex Features/AP Photo

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This Week in 13 Photos: Sgt. Bergdahl, D-Day and Tiananmen Remembered, and Elections around the World

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“You’ll Need to Relearn How to Be a Person”: A Letter to Bowe Bergdahl From a Fellow Former Hostage

Mother Jones

Bowe Bergdahl, you are now free, but many of your problems are just beginning. You have left a world of extreme isolation and entered one that is vastly more complex. It will be hard for you to adjust. Anyone who spends a significant amount of time as a prisoner comes out handicapped. This would be true whether you were held by the Taliban or anyone else. And along with all that, you will have to cope with being an odd celebrity.

You will have infinitely more support than most prisoners do when they are released. People will recognize you on the street and welcome you home. But you’ll soon discover that others, in op-eds, blogs, and emails, say terrible things. You’ll find that many are blaming you for your own captivity. Ironically, these are generally people who feel very strongly that your captors are their enemies. Some of them think you should be punished further. You’ll see that many blame you for the deaths of American soldiers, rather than blame the war itself. Blaming the victim is always a way to protect the powerful.

When you get back to the United States, people will ask you over and over, in confidential and heartfelt tones, how you are doing. When they ask, they will look you in the eyes to show you they understand. You will not be able to give an answer that feels true, possibly because you will grow annoyed with such questions, but also because “great” and “awful” will probably both be true at once, though you won’t really understand the awful part.

You will get unreasonably angry at times, even when your life is good. You will carry a strange tension around that you never felt before, one that is unlike the anxiety and fear you felt in captivity. You might develop new nervous ticks. You’ll probably feel tempted to drink more than usual. You might have problems with your memory.

Chances are you will feel anxious in crowds. It may be hard for you to make choices for a while without being told what to do. You will be wracked with guilt for a thousand things. That, or you’ll feel nothing. There will be something you’ll come to miss about captivity, though you might keep this a secret—there, the source of your problems were clear. Now that you’re free, they won’t make sense.

Some people—strangers—will become oddly emotional around you. You’ll come to learn that some relate their own crises to yours and they’ll look to you for answers that you won’t possess. You’ll find that the person many see when they look at you isn’t really you, and this will be awkward.

Some will relate to you as a hero for walking off the military base (if that is what you in fact did; we don’t yet know), which might feel supportive, but also uncomfortable. Some will treat you as a hero for being a soldier, which, if you were in fact disillusioned with the military, might also make you uncomfortable. You will come to understand that you are now a symbol and a story, and you’ll need to relearn how to be a person.

For years to come, people will tell you dreadful things they’ve been through when they first meet you. Some will preface their stories by saying things like, “Of course this doesn’t compare to your situation, but…” Others won’t preface anything. Some will probably tell you things far worse than anything you’ve ever experienced. Eventually, strangers will forget your face and you’ll enjoy your anonymity (while missing the attention).

You’ll find yourself trying carefully not to bring up your captivity, not because you have such a hard time talking about it, but because you want to enjoy your dinner or the party or the company of friends without someone telling you yet another terrible story. You’ll learn how to condense your own experience into sound bites that can wrap everything up in a few minutes and leave the listener feeling satisfied.

It’s impossible to say what is best for another person, but what helped me when I was released after 26 months of captivity in Iran was to find others who have been through similar experiences. Through them, you will see that your confusion is not unusual. When I got out of prison, I found solace in conversations with other Americans who had been wrongfully detained, from Nicaragua to Afghanistan.

I also connected with people who were wrongfully convicted in the United States, some getting out after more than 20 years behind bars. I related to a former Guantanamo detainee, Ahmed Errachidi, who was detained without trial, did three years in solitary, and was released six years after being captured. When I called him up in Morocco and he told me he was having a hard time feeling happy, feeling like he had his life back, I felt less alone.

More likely than not, you will give a press conference or interviews at some point. If you do, you will find that many want to shape your story for you, and this will be hard to navigate. You’ll also realize that, for most everyone else, your story hinges on a moment four years ago—did you, or did you not walk off the base?—as if that would explain everything. Embedded in the question will be a subtle suggestion that if you did, you might have deserved being held captive for four years with the Taliban. This question will be disappointing, though you will answer it so many times that your answer will become rote. For you, of course, the moment you were taken captive will feel like the distant past.

If I could say one thing to you, it would be this: Getting free is complicated. It is difficult. Sometimes unbearable. But this will pass. Just like you slowly adjusted to being a prisoner, you will slowly adjust to being free. And several times, you will think you have adjusted, then you will realize that you haven’t.

This will keep happening, for so long that you will think that you are permanently damaged. You are not. It will be hard at first to make your own decisions, but you will learn. People will want you to do things that you don’t want to do, even people close to you. You don’t need to do them. Your decisions are no longer matters of life and death. You are free now.

If you want to chat, hit me up. Seriously.

P.S. To my fellow journalists:

It would be nice—though its hard to imagine—if the media didn’t descend on Bowe Bergdahl like a pack of wolves. When I was released from Iran, some journalists tried to squeeze their way onto my flight home. One tried to embed with our families as they waited for Josh’s and my release, even though our relatives were very clear that they did not want this.

There are some things more important than a scoop. Nothing special will be added to the world if you are the first person to interview this man; you will only satisfy your own ego. He is new to the world. He is going through the slow process of coming to grips with freedom, to being able to function on his own. Don’t prey on him. Give him a chance.

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“You’ll Need to Relearn How to Be a Person”: A Letter to Bowe Bergdahl From a Fellow Former Hostage

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for May 19, 2014

Mother Jones

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Marines with Bravo Company, 1st Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment, provide outboard security after offloading from a CH-53E Super Stallion helicopter during a mission in Helmand province, Afghanistan, May 1, 2014. The company operated in Tagvreshk Village, an area with suspected Taliban forces with the intent to disrupt any lethal aid. After hours of operating within the area, the infantrymen extracted from the area the same way they arrived. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Joseph Scanlan/Released)

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for May 19, 2014

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for May 5, 2014

Mother Jones

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Cpl. Daniel Hopping, assaultman, Weapons Company, 1st Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment, and a native of Rogers, Arkansas, shields himself from dust being kicked up from a CH-53E Super Sea Stallion lifting off during a mission in Helmand province, Afghanistan, April 28, 2014. The company’s mission was to disrupt Taliban forces in Larr Village and establish a presence in the area. Five days prior to the helicopter-borne mission, the company confiscated two rocket-propelled grenades in the vicinity of the village. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Joseph Scanlan/Released)

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We’re Still at War: Photo of the Day for May 5, 2014

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Iraq Delusion Syndrome Is Alive and Well

Mother Jones

Max Boot writes today that over the past couple of years, Iraq has spiraled ever downward into outright anarchy and civil war:

Contrast that with Afghanistan, which I visited last week. While violence, corruption, drug production and government dysfunction remain very real problems in what is still one of the world’s poorest countries, Afghanistan is making real progress. Kabul is bustling and, notwithstanding some high-profile Taliban attacks, far safer than Baghdad….Even more impressive, the security forces managed with virtually no coalition presence on the ground to secure the April 5 presidential election despite Taliban attempts to disrupt it.

….Just a few years ago, Iraq appeared to be in much better shape: President Obama bragged on Dec. 14, 2011, that “we’re leaving behind a sovereign, stable and self-reliant Iraq.” In hindsight, however, it is obvious that Iraq began to unravel the minute the last U.S. troops left.

….There is an important lesson to be learned here: It’s vitally important to keep a substantial commitment of U.S. troops in Afghanistan after this year. Military commanders are asking for at least 10,000 personnel, and if that request isn’t granted by the White House (as leaks suggest it may not be), the odds will increase that Afghanistan, like Iraq, will descend into a civil war that undoes everything U.S. troops sacrificed so much to achieve.

I should say at the outset that I don’t necessarily oppose a long-term commitment of a small US peacekeeping force to Afghanistan. Fifteen years after the Kosovo war, NATO still has several thousand troops there, about a thousand of which are American. That’s how long this stuff takes sometimes.

That said, I’m endlessly flummoxed by the attitude of guys like Boot. After ten years—ten years!—of postwar “peacekeeping” in Iraq, does he still seriously think that keeping a few thousand American advisors in Baghdad for yet another few years would have made a serious difference there? In Kosovo there was a peace to keep. It was fragile, sure, but it was there. In Iraq it wasn’t. The ethnic fault lines hadn’t changed a whit, and American influence over Nouri al-Maliki had shrunk to virtually nothing. We had spent a decade trying to change the fundamentals of Iraqi politics and we couldn’t do it. An endless succession of counterterrorism initiatives didn’t do it; hundreds of billions of dollars in civil aid didn’t do it; and despite some mythologizing to the contrary, the surge didn’t do it either. The truth is that we couldn’t even make a dent. What sort of grand delusion would persuade anyone that yet another decade might do the trick?

Maybe things are different in Afghanistan. Tribal conflicts are different from sectarian ones. The Taliban is a different kind of enemy than al-Qaeda. Afghanistan’s likely next leader will almost certainly be more pro-American than Hamid Karzai. And strategically, Afghanistan plays a different role than Iraq ever did.

But Iraq? In 2003, maybe it was reasonable to think that the US could not just topple a dictator, but change the culture of a country. We can argue about that forever. But to still believe that in 2014? That’s the stuff of dreamland. Why are there still people around who continue to cling to this fantasy?

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Iraq Delusion Syndrome Is Alive and Well

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Another 13 Years in Afghanistan?

Mother Jones

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I probably missed this while I was away, but the LA Times catches me up this morning:

U.S. intelligence agencies warn in a new, classified assessment that insurgents could quickly regain control of key areas of Afghanistan and threaten the capital as soon as 2015 if American troops are fully withdrawn next year, according to two officials familiar with the findings.

The National Intelligence Estimate, which was given recently to the White House, has deeply concerned some U.S. officials. It represents the first time the intelligence community has formally warned that the Afghan government could face significantly more serious attacks in Kabul from a resurgent Taliban within months of a U.S. pullout, the officials said, speaking anonymously to discuss classified material. The assessment also concludes that security conditions probably will worsen regardless of whether the U.S. keeps troops in the country.

By the time we leave next year, we will have been in Afghanistan for 13 years. And yet, the consensus of our intelligence community is that we’ve had such a minuscule impact that the Taliban could be back in control of the country within a year or two. I think you can draw two basic conclusions from this:

Afghanistan is a tough nut, and we just need a few more years there.
The U.S military is plainly unable to affect the basic dynamics of Afghan culture, so we might as well leave.

As near as I can tell, Option A rather curiously marks you as a tough-minded person who faces the world with open eyes. Option B, which actually has the vast weight of evidence behind it, marks you as a dreamer and a defeatist. It’s as though we already live on Bizarro Earth. I wonder if things are different back on Earth-1?

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Another 13 Years in Afghanistan?

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Dot Earth Blog: ‘A Girl With a Book’ – Malala’s Day at the United Nations

Malala, unfazed by an assassination attempt, brings her campaign for the right to learn to the United Nations. Visit site: Dot Earth Blog: ‘A Girl With a Book’ – Malala’s Day at the United Nations ; ;Related Articles‘A Girl With a Book’ – Malala’s Day at the United NationsDot Earth Blog: As G.O.P. Guts Energy Research Spending, Where’s George Will, Science Defender?As G.O.P. Guts Energy Research Spending, Where’s George Will, Science Defender? ;

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Dot Earth Blog: ‘A Girl With a Book’ – Malala’s Day at the United Nations

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