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The CARD Act Has Saved Us $12 Billion Per Year

Mother Jones

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Who do credit card companies make the most money from? Answer: the poor, by far, because they rack up the highest fees and the highest interest expense. Card issuers also make some money on the rich, because they buy a lot of stuff. This generates interchange fees (usually 2-3 percent of the amount charged) that exceed the cost the reward points they dole out to attract these customers.

It’s the customers in the middle who cost them. They don’t buy enough stuff to generate lots interchange fees, but they aren’t poor enough to get themselves stuck with lots of late fees and interest charges. The chart below shows this. Folks with FICO scores between 660 and 730 (representing about a third of all customers) are net losses for credit card companies.

This comes from a paper written last year about the effect of the CARD Act, a law passed in 2009 that modestly regulated the credit card industry. The authors’ conclusion: “The CARD Act successfully reduced borrowing costs, in particular for borrowers with the lowest FICO scores. We find no evidence for offsetting increases in other costs or a decline in credit volume.” All in all, the CARD Act saved consumers—mostly lower-income consumers—about $12 billion per year. For much more, see today’s Harold Pollack interview with one of the authors here.

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The CARD Act Has Saved Us $12 Billion Per Year

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The EPA Finally Admitted That the World’s Most Popular Pesticide Kills Bees—20 Years Too Late

Mother Jones

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Bees are dying in record numbers—and now the government admits that an extremely common pesticide is at least partially to blame.

For more than a decade, the Environmental Protection Agency has been under pressure from environmentalists and beekeepers to reconsider its approval of a class of pesticides called neonicotinoids, based on a mounting body of research suggesting they harm bees and other pollinators at tiny doses. In a report released Wednesday, the EPA basically conceded the case.

Marketed by European chemical giants Syngenta and Bayer, neonics are the most widely used pesticides both in the United States and globally. In 2009, the agency commenced a long, slow process of reassessing them—not as a class, but rather one by one (there are five altogether). Meanwhile, tens of millions of acres of farmland are treated with neonics each year, and the health of US honeybee hives continues to be dismal.

The EPA’s long-awaited assessment focused on how one of the most prominent neonics—Bayer’s imidacloprid—affects bees. The report card was so dire that the EPA “could potentially take action” to “restrict or limit the use” of the chemical by the end of this year, an agency spokesperson wrote in an emailed statement.

Reviewing dozens of studies from independent and industry-funded researchers, the EPA’s risk-assessment team established that when bees encounter imidacloprid at levels above 25 parts per billion—a common level for neonics in farm fields—they suffer harm. “These effects include decreases in pollinators as well as less honey produced,” the EPA’s press release states.

The crops most likely to expose honeybees to harmful levels of imidacloprid are cotton and citrus, while “corn and leafy vegetables either do not produce nectar or have residues below the EPA identified level.” Note in the below USGS chart that a substantial amount of imidacloprid goes into the US cotton crop.

Imidacloprid use has surged in recent years. Uh-oh. US Geological Survey

Meanwhile, the fact that the EPA says imidacloprid-treated corn likely doesn’t harm bees sounds comforting, but as the same USGS chart shows, corn gets little or no imidacloprid. (It gets huge amounts of another neonic, clothianidin, whose EPA risk assessment hasn’t been released yet.)

The biggest imidacloprid-treated crop of all is soybeans, and soy remains an information black hole. The EPA assessment notes that soybeans are “attractive to bees via pollen and nectar,” meaning they could expose bees to dangerous levels of imidacloprid, but data on how much of the pesticide shows up in soybeans’ pollen and nectar are “unavailable,” both from Bayer and from independent researchers. Oops. Mind you, imidacloprid has been registered for use by the EPA since the 1990s.

The agency still has to consider public comments on the bee assessment it just released, and it also has to complete a risk assessment of imidacloprid’s effect on other species. In addition to their impact on bees, neonic pesticides may also harm birds, butterflies, and water-borne invertebrates, recent studies suggest. Then there are the assessments of the other four neonic products that need to be done. Frustrated at the glacial pace of the EPA’s deliberations, a coalition of beekeepers and environmental groups filed a lawsuit in federal court Wednesday demanding that the agency withdraw its approvals for the most-used neonic products.

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The EPA Finally Admitted That the World’s Most Popular Pesticide Kills Bees—20 Years Too Late

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Here Is Every Crazy, Insane, Terrible, Genius, Infuriating Thing Donald Trump Did This Year

Mother Jones

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It’s hard to overstate Donald Trump’s impact on the 2016 race for the White House. The business tycoon symbolizes the shift from traditional presidential campaigns to the new uncampaign. Trump has had no need to pander for money, and he has been impervious to criticism—no matter how justified. He seems to only be strengthened by political gaffes that would doom other candidates. This year, he has dominated the news cycle repeatedly and ridden high in the polls. Chronicling all his whacky remarks, blunders, outrageous proposals, and, of course, crazy tweets of this past year would be nearly impossible. But we tried.

January 24: A friendly and relatively noncombative Trump delivers a speech at the Iowa Freedom Summit, where he says he has “tremendous respect for the tea party.”

January 26: Two days after his speech in Iowa, Trump talks to Fox News’ Greta Van Susteren about a possible presidential run. After saying that 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney is “not a closer” and noting that former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush has no chance to win the White House because of his last name, Trump explains that he’s “very, very seriously considering” a run. “I could make America great again,” he insists.

January 31: Almost immediately, Trump’s “run” is dismissed as a publicity gambit cooked up to promote his businesses and TV shows. Writing in the New York Times, Gail Collins includes him in a list of people, such as former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, who are “feigning interest in the presidential race in order to promote their cheesy television shows.”

March 1-5: Early indications suggest that Republican voters agree Trump isn’t a serious candidate. A poll done by the Wall Street Journal and NBC finds that 74 percent of Republican primary voters say they couldn’t imagine voting for him.

March 8: Bush appears to be the odds-on favorite for the GOP nomination, and Trump’s possible run is still not being taken seriously. Analyzing the potential candidacy of Ohio Gov. John Kasich, a Cleveland Plain Dealer opinion writer notes that Trump is 99 percent sure not to be nominated as the Republican candidate because he’s “too despicable.”

March 18: Trump announces that he is going to form an exploratory committee. “I have a great love for our country, but it is a country that is in serious trouble. We have lost the respect of the entire world. Americans deserve better than what they get from their politicians—who are all talk and no action!” Trump says in a statement. Politico reports that Trump has made “several key hires” in Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina and that “additional advisers” are “based in New York.”

March 19: The day after his exploratory committee is announced, his campaign is dismissed by political pundits and operatives. Mark Barabak of the Los Angeles Times writes that Trump is “flirting—again—with a contest he has no chance of winning.” Former New Hampshire GOP Chairman Fergus Cullen tells the Boston Herald that “I look forward to the day he quits the race, and I hope that he does so in complete disgrace. I don’t want to give him an ounce of serious assessment or credibility as somebody who is a serious person in any way.”

March 25: Washington Post writer Phillip Bump reiterates the widespread doubts about Trump, writing that “very few people consider Donald Trump a real candidate for president.”

April 16: Trump quotes a controversial tweet about Hillary Clinton:

April 17: A Trump spokesperson tells the Daily Caller that one of Trump’s 10 staff members retweeted the Clinton tweet. “As soon as Mr. Trump saw the tweet he deleted it,” the spokesperson says.

April 27: Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen argues that Trump being in the race makes everybody look better by comparison. “The man provides a utility that the party dearly needs,” he writes. “He makes the other candidates seem reasonable.”

May 17: Trump attends the Iowa Republican Party’s Lincoln Dinner, an annual fundraiser for the state party that attracts national candidates during election cycles. “We have to make our country great again,” he says. “We have to.” During the speech, Trump tells the crowd that he will have an announcement that is “going to surprise a lot of people.”

May 28: Trump has 4.5 percent support in the RealClearPolitics average of national GOP presidential polls, more than 10 points behind front-runner Bush, who leads the pack at 14.8 percent.

May 30: Referring to the Lincoln Dinner, the New York Post‘s Kyle Smith writes a piece, “Stop pretending—Donald Trump is not running for president.” Smith calls Trump’s announcement tease a “bid for publicity” and cites his unpopularity within the GOP as a reason he will never run.

June 16: After slowly descending a golden escalator in the lobby of Trump Towers in New York City—a scene oddly predicted by The Simpsons—Trump announces his candidacy. “Today I am declaring my candidacy for president,” he says. “I will be the greatest jobs president that God ever created.” Trump talks about how much money he has (“I’m not doing that to brag”), the American Dream (“the American Dream is dead”), and how the country is run by “losers.” This is also the speech where Trump unveils his thoughts on Mexico and immigration:

The US has become a dumping ground for everybody else’s problems…When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best. They’re not sending you referring to the crowd. They’re not sending you. They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bringing those problems with us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.

The day he announces, conservative Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin writes a column titled “The Trump Clown Show” and calls Trump a “huckster” who isn’t serious about running for president. She adds that he’s a “ludicrous figure with no chance to win,” and that he’s using a presidential campaign “purely as self-promotion and to air his obnoxious attitudes.”

June 17: The Hollywood Reporter reveals that some of the supporters at Trump’s announcement were paid $50 each to be there.

June 25 : Univision announces it will drop the Miss USA and Miss Universe pageants and cut all ties with Trump after his remarks about Mexican immigrants.

June 26: Trump posts a letter he sends to Univision CEO Randy Falco:

Letter to @Univision- re: @TrumpDoral

A photo posted by Donald J. Trump (@realdonaldtrump) on Jun 26, 2015 at 1:10pm PDT

June 29: NBCUniversal, the network that jointly produced the Miss Universe and Miss USA pageants with Trump, cuts ties to Trump. “At NBC, respect and dignity for all people are cornerstones of our values,” the network says in a statement. “Due to the recent derogatory statements by Donald Trump regarding immigrants, NBCUniversal is ending its business relationship with Mr. Trump.”

Speaking with reporters after a campaign event in Chicago, Trump blasts NBC’s decision: “If NBC is so weak and so foolish to not understand the serious illegal immigration problem in the United States, coupled with the horrendous and unfair trade deals we are making with Mexico, then their contract violating closure of Miss Universe/Miss USA will be determined in court.” He later adds, “They will stand behind lying Brian Williams, but won’t stand behind people that tell it like it is, as unpleasant as that may be.”

June 30: Trump files a $500 million lawsuit against Univision.

July 1: Two weeks after he announces his candidacy, Trump shoots to second in a national CNN poll of Republicans. Bush leads at this point with 19 percent, compared with Trump’s 12 percent.

July 1: Still dealing with the fallout from his comments about “rapists” coming across the border from Mexico, Trump utters one of the more memorable lines of the year. When CNN’s Don Lemon tries to get Trump to distinguish between rape in Mexico and criminals who come across the border, Trump says, “Somebody’s doing the raping, Don…Who’s doing the raping?”

July 1: Macy’s announces that it is cutting ties with Trump over his comments about Mexican immigrants. Only minutes after Macy’s announces its decision, Trump releases a statement saying it was his decision to end the business relationship. “I have decided to terminate my relationship with Macy’s because of the pressure being put on them by outside sources,” he says. “While selling Trump ties and shirts at Macy’s is a small business in terms of dollar volume, my principles are far more important and therefore much more valuable.”

July 8: Acclaimed restaurateur José Andrés announces that he is pulling his restaurant from Trump’s planned Washington, DC, hotel.

July 11: Trump keeps up his attacks on Univision:

July 14: The Trump campaign tweets an ad that includes a photo of marching soldiers. After the photo’s context is pointed out on the internet, the campaign deletes the tweet and says an intern didn’t notice that the stock photo was of Nazi soldiers.

July 18: In a speech at Family Leadership Summit in Iowa, Trump says Sen. John McCain “is not a war hero” and is only considered a “war hero because he was captured. I like people that weren’t captured.” The Iowa audience laughs and applauds.

Political commentators and his GOP rivals rip Trump for the comments, and some consider Trump’s insults a mortal blow to his campaign:

A headline in the New York Post later that day reads, “Trump campaign implodes after McCain war hero insult.” It quotes several of Trump’s GOP primary opponents condemning the remarks. Former Republican GOP candidate Mitt Romney tweets, “The difference between @SenJohnMcCain and @realDonaldTrump: Trump shot himself down.”

July 20: Trump reaches first place in the RealClearPolitics poll averages, besting Bush for the first time.

July 20: South Carolina GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham, who entered the race on June 1, calls Trump a “jackass” on CNN in response to Trump’s criticism of McCain. “What he said about John, I think, was offensive,” Graham says. “He’s becoming a jackass at a time when we need to have a serious debate about the future of the party and the country. This is a line he’s crossed, and this is the beginning of the end of Donald Trump…I am really pissed.”

July 21: After calling Graham a “lightweight” and an “idiot,” Trump gives out Graham’s personal cellphone number during a rally. The first polling after the McCain insult shows negligible damage to Trump’s support.

July 22: Lindsey Graham releases a video titled “How to Destroy Your Cell Phone With Sen. Lindsey Graham.” In the video, he uses a meat cleaver, a golf club, fire, a blender, a brick, and a toaster oven to destroy his phone. “Or if all else fails, you can always give your number to The Donald,” he says. “This is for all the veterans,” he adds before throwing the phone against a wall. The video has more than 2.1 million views on YouTube and might represent the high-water mark of the Graham campaign.

July 23: Trump visits Laredo, Texas, to warn about the danger of Mexican immigrants and refers to the personal danger he faces in traveling to the border. “I have to do it,” he says. “I love this country.” Laredo is one of the safest cities in the United States.

July 28: Ten days after the McCain episode, the average polls put Trump at 18.2 percent, nearly five points above on Bush’s 13.7 percent.

August 6: When Fox News moderator Megyn Kelly asks about his history of misogyny and crude comments about women at the first GOP presidential debate of the cycle, Trump says his use of the term “fat pig” was only in reference to Rosie O’Donnell. He then says, “Frankly, what I say—and oftentimes it’s fun, kidding, we have a good time—what I say is what I say. And honestly, Megyn, if you don’t like it, I’m sorry. I’ve been very nice to you, although I could probably not be based on the way you have treated me. But I wouldn’t do that.” The audience at the Quicken Loans Arena in Cleveland seems to be on Trump’s side during the exchange.

August 7: The day after the debate, Trump tells CNN’s Don Lemon that Kelly’s questions were “unfair” and “vicious,” and “you could see there was blood coming out of her eyes, blood coming out of her wherever…” This prompts widespread criticism that Trump had suggested that Kelly was menstruating. Trump later says he was referring to Kelly’s nose.

That same day, prominent conservative Erik Erickson uninvites Trump from the RedState Gathering, a three-day event full of hundreds of GOP activists, elected officials, and journalists. Event organizer Erickson—who has his own issues with misogyny—writes on his website that while he thought Trump was being treated unfairly by the media and the Republican Party, his comments about Kelly were too much. “There are just real lines of decency a person running for President should not cross,” he writes. “His comment was inappropriate.”

August 13: Kelly announces she’s taking a vacation. “It’s been an interesting week, and a long six months, without vacation for yours truly,” she says on her nightly show. “So I’ll be taking the next week and a half off.”

August 14: When asked, Trump says there’s “probably” a connection between his attacks and Kelly’s time off, “but I wouldn’t know anything about it.” He adds, “People were very surprised that, all the sudden, she decided to go away for 10 days…Some people make those quick decisions.”

A Fox spokeswoman says Kelly’s vacation was pre-planned and “conspiracy theories rank up there with UFO’s, the moon landing and Elvis being alive.” She adds that “to imply otherwise, as Donald Trump and his campaign operatives have, is not only wildly irresponsible, but downright bizarre.”

August 16: Trump tells NBC’s Chuck Todd that he would deport all undocumented immigrants in the United States, including any US-born children. “We’re going to keep the families together, but they have to go,” he says.

During the same interview, Todd asks Trump whom he consults for military advice. “Well, I watch the shows,” Trump says. “I mean, I really see a lot of great—you know, when you watch your show and all of the other shows and you have the generals and you have certain people that you like.” When pressed, he names former UN Ambassador John Bolton and retired Army Colonel Jack Jacobs.

August 19: Jacobs tells Mother Jones‘ David Corn that he’s never talked to Trump about national security matters.

August 22: Trump’s poll numbers plateau after the first debate and the subsequent attacks on Kelly. By August 22, he drops to 22 percent in the polls, down from his previous high of 24.3 percent. Factoring in margins of error, this is approximately where he was before mixing it up with Kelly and still more than double his next-closest competitor (Bush, 10.7 percent).

August 24: Trump resumes his attacks on Kelly:

August 25: Fox News’ chairman and CEO, Roger Ailes, defends Kelly in a statement posted on the Fox website, in which he calls Trump’s attacks on Kelly “unacceptable” and “disturbing.”

Megyn Kelly represents the very best of American journalism and all of us at FOX News Channel reject the crude and irresponsible attempts to suggest otherwise. I could not be more proud of Megyn for her professionalism and class in the face of all of Mr. Trump’s verbal assaults…Donald Trump rarely apologizes, although in this case he should.

August 26: Trump throws Univision journalist Jorge Ramos out of a press conference after Ramos demands that Trump answer his questions regarding Trump’s plan to remove all undocumented immigrants and their US-born children.

Trump’s polling numbers began to climb again.

September 3: A Trump security guard punches a Latino activist in the face outside of Trump Towers in New York City after the activist tries to take back signs the security guard had ripped from protesters’ hands.

September 8: Trump releases a short video on Instagram—his preferred venue for attack ads—describing Bush as “low energy.”

Wake up Jeb supporters!

A video posted by Donald J. Trump (@realdonaldtrump) on Sep 8, 2015 at 11:53am PDT

September 9: Trump mocks GOP presidential rival and former Hewlett-Packard CEO Carly Fiorina’s appearance in an interview with Rolling Stone: “Look at that face!” he says, as the reporter and his staff sit around a table watching TV news. “Would anyone vote for that? Can you imagine that, the face of our next president? I mean, she’s a woman, and I’m not s’posedta say bad things, but really, folks, come on. Are we serious?”

September 16: During the second GOP debate, this time at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California, Fiorina is asked about Trump’s remarks. “I think women all over this country heard very clearly what Mr. Trump said,” Fiorina says, as the crowd erupts in applause. Trump smiles, and then awkwardly interjects: “I think she’s got a beautiful face, and I think she’s a beautiful woman.”

Also during the debate, Sen. Rand Paul questions Trump’s maturity and judgment in a discussion of whether Trump is capable of controlling the US nuclear arsenal.

“I think really there’s a sophomoric quality that is entertaining about Mr. Trump,” Paul says. “But I am worried, I am very concerned about having him in charge of the nuclear weapons because…his visceral response to attack people on their appearance—short, tall, fat, ugly. My goodness, that happened in junior high. Are we not way above that? Would we not all be worried to have someone like that be in charge of the nuclear arsenal?”

Trump offers a classic Trump response: “I never attacked him on his looks and, believe me, there’s plenty of subject matter right there.”

September 19: Ten days after his comments about Fiorina, Trump reaches his highest average poll numbers yet, at just above 30 percent, more than 10 points over Ben Carson and crushing Bush.

October 8: Trump manages to insult right-wing firebrand Glenn Beck and former House Speaker John Boehner in one tweet:

October 16: Trump heaps some of the blame for 9/11 on George W. Bush: “You talk about George Bush, say what you want, the World Trade Center came down during his time.” The interviewer, Bloomberg’s Stephanie Ruhle, pushes back and says, “Hold on: You can’t blame George Bush for that.” Trump presses on: “He was president, okay? Don’t blame or don’t blame him, but he was president, and the World Trade Center came down during his reign.”

October 25: During a discussion on CBS’s “Face the Nation” about using the debt ceiling as leverage, Trump insults Republicans’ negotiation skills. “The Republicans don’t know how to negotiate, to be honest with you,” he says. “I’m a Republican. It’s embarrassing to watch them negotiate.”

October 26: A pair of polls puts Carson way ahead of Trump in Iowa, 31 percent to 19 percent in one poll and 32 percent to 18 percent in the other.

November 4: Though Trump has said in much of his campaign that he’s different because he doesn’t need or want big donors’ money, Politico reports that he has, in fact, reached out to wealthy right-wing donors like Sheldon Adelson, Paul Singer, and the Koch brothers.

November 10: During the GOP debate in Milwaukee, Trump competitor and Ohio Gov. John Kasich says Trump’s plan to deport more than 11 million people is a “silly argument.” In response, Trump says it is possible, citing the work of former President Dwight Eisenhower in the 1950s. The plan Trump champions was called “Operation Wetback,” and it consisted of rounding up Mexicans near the border—whether or not they were immigrants—taking them across the border, and leaving them there. Dozens died, families were displaced, and the operation is looked at today as an abomination.

November 13: A story in the Washington Post suggests the Republican establishment is extremely worried about Trump winning the nomination, believing it would “virtually ensure a Hillary Rodham Clinton presidency and increase the odds that the Senate falls into Democratic hands.”

November 13: During an attack on GOP rival Carson at a campaign rally at an Iowa community college, Trump blasts Iowa voters who still seem to support the retired neurosurgeon and motivational speaker. “How stupid are the people of Iowa?” he asks. “How stupid are the people of the country to believe this crap?” Trump’s speech lasts more than an hour and a half and includes barbs against other candidates. He describes Rubio as “weak like a baby, like a baby.” He says Democratic front-runner Clinton is “playing the woman’s card, big league.” While discussing Carson’s anger management problem as a teenager, Trump compares Carson to a child molester: “If you’re a child molester, a sick puppy, a child molester, there’s no cure for that. If you’re a child molester, there’s no cure. They can’t stop you. Pathological—there’s no cure. Now, he said he was pathological.”

Watch Trump flip his belt up and down while questioning Carson’s story that as a teenager he once tried to stab a friend:

During this same speech, Trump says he would “bomb the shit” out of ISIS:

November 13: Once more, Trump’s provocative remarks are seen as the beginning of his demise. A New York magazine blog post observes, “It’s hard for entertainers to stay on top for long, and there are already signs that Trump is about to be replaced by his younger, crazier, and more outsider-y rival, Dr. Ben Carson. Trump seems increasingly distressed by his waning popularity, and in Iowa…he tried a notoriously desperate move: releasing a ‘greatest hits’ album.”

ISIS-inspired terrorists attack Paris, killing more than 129 people and injuring more than 350 people.

November 16: Trump says the United States needs to conduct surveillance on, and perhaps close, some mosques. “I would hate to do it,” he tells MSNBC’s Joe Scarborough, “but it’s something that you’re going to have to strongly consider.”

November 20: A week after the terrorist attacks in Paris, Trump says he would “certainly implement” a database to track Muslims in the United States and adds that there “should be a lot of systems, beyond databases.” The comments cause an immediate uproar.

November 21: Trump claims he saw “thousands and thousands of people…cheering as the World Trade Center was coming down” in Jersey City, New Jersey. Media and law enforcement swiftly rebut the claims, but Trump continues to insist he saw what he says he saw.

The same day, at a rally in Birmingham, Alabama, Trump talks about Muslims again: “I do want databases for those people coming in…I want surveillance of these people. I want surveillance if we have to and I don’t care. I want—are you ready for this, folks?…I want surveillance of certain mosques, okay?”

At that rally, a black protester is attacked by Trump supporters as the activist shouts “Black lives matter!”

Trump tells Fox News that “maybe he should have been roughed up.”

November 22: While talking with ABC’s George Stephanopoulos, Trump repeats the claim: “There were people that were cheering on the other side of New Jersey, where you have large Arab populations,” Trump says. “I know it might not be politically correct for you to talk about it, but there were people cheering as that building came down—as those buildings come down. And that tells you something.”

November 24: Trump mocks a New York Times reporter’s disability after the reporter is unable to remember all the details he reported in a 2001 story about arrests of people seen celebrating the World Trade Center attacks. The reporter in question, Serge Kovaleski, says he has covered Trump extensively over the years, and that the two know each other.

The New York Times reports that a plaque at one of Trump’s golf courses—in Lowes Island, Virginia—references a spot on the river that was known during the Civil War as the “River of Blood.” It turns out that nothing ever happened at the spot that Trump’s plaque says happened. When pressed, Trump challenges the local historians who deny his claims: “How would they know that? Were they there?”

November 29: Meet the Press host Chuck Todd presses Trump on his claims that Muslims celebrated on 9/11, but Trump insists he’s right. Todd tells him that “nobody could find evidence” of what he was describing and says Trump is “feeding a stereotype” that is false. “You’re running for president of the United States. Your words matter,” he adds. “Truthfulness matters. Fact-based stuff matters, no?”

Trump responds, “Take it easy, Chuck. Just play cool. This is people in this country that love our country, that saw this by the hundreds—they’re calling.”

November 30: Trump floats the prospect of boycotting the December 15 CNN debate unless he’s paid $5 million, which he promises would go to “the Wounded Warriors or the vets.” He relents and offers two explanations for his about-face: He is leading in the polls and sees skipping the debate as a risk, and he doesn’t have the “kind of leverage I’d like to have in a deal, and I don’t want to take the chance of hurting my campaign.”

December 2: Trump appears on the internet-based talk show of Alex Jones, a 9/11-truther and star of the conspiracy underworld. During the interview, Trump says he predicted the rise and ultimate danger of Osama bin Laden in his 2000 book, The America We Deserve. The claim is false. The book contains one reference to bin Laden. It refers to bin Laden as one of many threats the United States faces, explaining that even though the government had told the public about bin Laden, the information was fragmentary and the public’s attention quickly focused on another threat.

December 3: Trump employs a series of Jewish stereotypes in a speech given to the Republican Jewish Coalition in Washington, DC. A sampling: “Look, I’m a negotiator like you folks; we’re negotiators.” “You just like me because my daughter happens to be Jewish.” And, “You’re not going to support me because I don’t want your money.”

December 7: Five days after the terrorist attack in San Bernadino, California, Trump calls for “a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States until our country’s representatives can figure out what’s going on.” Trump’s proposal spurs indignation among political opponents in both parties and from leaders around the world.

December 9: In a closed-door meeting in New York City with donors, Sen. Ted Cruz says the question of judgment “is a challenging question” for Trump and Carson.

December 13: Trump tells Fox News’ Chris Wallace that he doesn’t think Cruz is qualified to be president. “I don’t think he has the right temperament. I don’t think he’s got the right judgment. You look at the way he’s dealt with the Senate, where he goes in there like a, well, frankly like a little bit of a maniac—you’re never going to get things done that way.”

Later that day, Cruz responds via Twitter:

December 14: On the eve of the fifth GOP presidential debate in Las Vegas, Trump hosts a rally that includes several protesters who are violently thrown out. In one case, a black man is surrounded, knocked to the ground and manhandled. One onlooker shouts, “Light the motherfucker on fire!”

Another supporter reportedly yells, “Sieg heil!”.

December 15: During the GOP debate in Las Vegas, radio host and co-moderator Hugh Hewitt asks Trump what his priority is in terms of updating and maintaining the nuclear triad, referring to the United States’ three delivery systems for nuclear missiles: submarine-based missiles, silo-based missiles, and plane-based bombs. It becomes pretty clear that Trump has no idea what the nuclear triad is, as he rambles through an answer that includes observations about Iraq in 2004, how the United States should not get involved in Syria without nuclear power, and that nuclear proliferation is a major problem. Hewitt tries a second time to find out his priority in the triad. Trump responds: “I think—I think, for me, nuclear is just the power, the devastation is very important to me.”

December 16: James Fallows writes in The Atlantic that Trump’s triad answer was a bridge too far: “To put it in context, this is like applying for a position on The Apprentice and having no idea what ‘the bottom line’ is, or applying to be an airline pilot and not knowing how to interpret ‘cleared to land’…If realities mattered in this race, what Trump has just revealed would be fundamentally disqualifying ignorance for someone seeking a position of command responsibility.”

December 18: Trump tells MSNBC’s Brzezinski and Scarborough that he likes the fact that Russian President Vladimir Putin has nice things to say about him. Scarborough points out that Putin is “also a guy who kills journalists, political opponents, and invades countries.” Trump coolly responds, “He’s running his country and at least he’s a leader.”

December 19: Trump campaign spokeswoman Katrina Pierson tells Fox News that Trump isn’t afraid to use nuclear weapons: “What good does it do to have a good nuclear triad if you’re afraid to use it?” Later in the segment, conservative columnist Kurt Schlichter blasts Trump’s ignorance on the issue: “My God! Is it too much that he know what the nuclear triad is? I mean, Katrina, the point of the nuclear triad is to be afraid to use the damn thing. You want to scare the hell out of the other side. Barack Obama is not doing it, and, frankly, my side will be more scared if Donald Trump gets his finger on the button.”

December 20: On ABC’s This Week With George Stephanopoulos, Trump continues to defend Putin’s record of alleged involvement in the assassination of journalists and political opponents. “In all fairness to Putin, you’re saying he killed people,” he says. “I haven’t seen that. I don’t know that he has…If he has killed reporters, I think that’s terrible…It’s never been proven that he’s killed anybody, so you know you’re supposed to be innocent until proven guilty, at least in this country. He has not been proven that he’s killed reporters.”

December 21: At a campaign rally in Michigan, Trump brings up the fact that people got upset about his defense of Putin’s record of killing journalists. Trump says he doesn’t “like” that, and “is totally against it.” He then adds his own thoughts about reporters. “By the way, I hate some of these people, but I’d never kill them. I hate ’em,” he says as the crowd roars its approval. “Honestly, I’ll be honest, I’ll be honest, I would never kill them, I would never do that. I would never kill them, but I do hate them, and some of them are such lying, disgusting people—it’s true.” The crowd’s applause and cheers grow even louder.

Later in the speech, Trump rolls out a wildly sexist attack against Clinton while talking about her 2008 primary defeat. “She was going to beat Obama,” he says. “I don’t know who’d be worse. I don’t know. How does it get worse? She was favored to win and she got schlonged. She lost. She lost.”

At the same rally, he also asks where Clinton was when, after a short commercial break, ABC News turned back to debate coverage before Clinton had returned to her podium. “I know where she went,” he says. “It’s disgusting, I don’t want to talk about it—too disgusting, don’t say it, it’s disgusting.”

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Here Is Every Crazy, Insane, Terrible, Genius, Infuriating Thing Donald Trump Did This Year

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The Year’s Best Under-the-Radar Podcasts

Mother Jones

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Ah, the holidays—more time to binge on your favorite TV shows and catch the midnight showing of the new Star Wars flick. Or maybe instead you’ll want to close your eyes and sink into the latest media craze: podcasts. Pull out your phone right now and you’d find hundreds of thousands of shows to choose from. Nearly a third of the podcasts currently listed on iTunes launched after June 2014, the month that marked the release of Serial, the hugely popular murder mystery series hosted by Sarah Koenig. While it quickly shot to fame and attracted more listeners than any podcast in history, Serial isn’t the only smart, timely audio show out there. Here are some of our favorite lesser-known podcast gems of 2015:

Whistlestop. Hosted by political wonk John Dickerson—the all-star moderator of the second Democratic debate—Whistlestop is an antidote to the head-splitting news coverage of the desperate race for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination. Dickerson, a veteran political correspondent for Slate and the new host of CBS’ Face the Nation, takes his listeners deep into campaign history, from JFK’s struggle to convince voters to look past his religious identity to the worst answer to the question “Why do you want to be president?” in history. Whether it’s the historical precedent for Donald Trump or the rise of talk shows mirroring today’s rise of social media, the electoral politics of yesteryear put today’s presidential race in context.

Reply All. One of several shows recently launched by industry newcomer Gimlet Media, Reply All explores the culture of the internet through stories of human greed, mischievousness, vulnerability, regret, kindness, and wonder. Why are there so many fake historical photo accounts on Twitter? What’s it like to navigate online dating as an Asian woman? How do you delete a sent email? Hosts PJ Vogt and Alex Goldman, both former staffers at WNYC’s On the Media, play resident ecologists of the internet, pointing out the treasures and travails of the age of technology. This show isn’t just for Reddit dwellers or the Twitter-obsessed, but for anyone who’s grown accustomed to living in the digital age.

#GoodMuslimBadMuslim. Comedian Zahra Noorbakhsh and writer and activist Tanzila “Taz” Ahmed used to tease each other about which one was the “bad Muslim.” Noorbakhsh drinks, eats pork, has sex, and prays. Ahmed shuns alcohol and pork but rarely prays. Walking a fine line between “good” and “bad”—both in Muslim communities and in post-9/11 America—Noorbakhsh and Ahmed host laughter-filled, unvarnished conversations about politics, pop culture, and Islamophobia. With anti-Muslim sentiment prominently on display in the wake of the attacks in Paris and San Bernardino, California, Noorbakhsh and Ahmed’s candid conversations are a much-needed breath of fresh air.

99% Invisible. Still going strong after five years, this curious podcast zooms in on the unassuming objects in our lives that we rarely give a second thought. Radio host Roman Mars reveals the hidden stories behind neon lights, a 90-year-old building in New York, silly putty, the couch where Sigmund Freud saw his patients, and barbed wire (a.k.a. “the Devil’s rope”). Mars has such a loyal following that he holds office hours at a local cafe where his admirers can ask him about his work. At one of those gatherings, he told a young journalist that he chooses the stories based on what he’d want to tell people at parties. So if you’re searching for conversation fodder for your family reunion, look no further.

The Mystery Show. Self-styled detective and radio host Starlee Kine investigates the little ordinary mysteries that bug us—the origins of a childhood treasure, a confounding lunchbox illustration, or the exact height of actor Jake Gyllenhaal. In the short time it has been on the air, this Gimlet Media creation has made its way into the Top 20 most popular podcasts on iTunes. As Kine says in one episode, “If you have a mystery,” (no matter how small), “you carry it with you always.” That is, until Kine shows up to break the case wide open.

Another Round. Another pair of sharp and charismatic ladies talk about race, culture, politics, feminism, identity, and life in this weekly show. Fueled by booze and bad jokes, hosts Heben Nigatu and Tracy Clayton—two black women writers for Buzzfeed—interview everyone from comedians and mental health professionals to cultural and political heavyweights like Melissa Harris-Perry, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and Hillary Clinton. Nigatu and Clayton are always entertaining, and they offer a break from the usual string of white, male voices. The A.V. Club writes that they “have very quickly established themselves as funny and insightful hosts, bringing their infectious personalities to conversations that range from squirrels to self-care to microaggressions in the workplace.”

Gravy. Yankee radio journalist Tina Antolini presents portraits of the changing American South through the lens of food. In one recent episode, Antolini zeros in on the cuisine at the Kentucky Derby—not the food served to the spectators, but the food eaten on the go by the stable workers, most of whom are from Central America. One week, Antolini talks to a struggling Louisiana fisherman. Another week, she reflects on fried chicken, at once an iconic comfort food and an ingredient for a hateful racial stereotype. Antolini navigates questions of changing demographics and economic power through heartfelt tales of home-cooked meals. Warning: Do not tune in on an empty stomach.

Guys We Fucked. Originally banned by iTunes for its racy title and now listed as one of its top five comedy podcasts, each episode of Guys We Fucked showcases a running, profanity-laced conversation between two female comedians and their guests, who have included Daily Show co-creator Lizz Winstead, sex columnist Dan Savage, and adult film star and writer Stoya. Dubbed “The Anti-Slut Shaming Podcast,” Guys We Fucked is on a mission to reclaim female sexuality. Even though it’s a comedy show, it has ventured into taboo subjects like pedophilia, sex work, and sexual violence. Creators Corinne Fisher and Krystyna Hutchinson describe their target audience as people who are “ready to stop living a suffocated, shame-filled bedroom life.”

The Specialist. The brainchild of KALW public radio in San Francisco, The Specialist offers brief glimpses into jobs we don’t think about and the lives of those who do them. In one particularly fascinating episode, host Casey Miner interviews the women of Comb it Out, a California hair salon dedicated to removing lice from the scalps of their unlucky hosts. In another, she interviews a woman in charge of preparing food for zoo animals. The episodes are short but engrossing, offering windows into the most obscure sectors of our economy.

Death, Sex, and Money. Pop quiz: What are the three things you’re not supposed to talk about at the dinner table this holiday season? Hint: You’ll find them in the title of WNYC’s second most popular podcast (after Radiolab). Through intimate interviews with celebrities and everyday people, host Anna Sale, whom Vulture has called the most likely successor to Fresh Air’s Terry Gross, delves into subjects like why people don’t have sex and how you get elected coroner.

The Thomas Jefferson Hour. Humanities scholar Clay Jenkinson is a Jefferson expert and has been impersonating the nation’s third president for more than 30 years. Producing The Thomas Jefferson Hour from inside a converted farmhouse in North Dakota, Jenkinson answers listeners’ questions in the voice of Thomas Jefferson, based on the former president’s writings and actions in life. When Mother Jones asked what would most disturb Jefferson about our society today, Jenkinson replied in character, saying he was terrified by “your national debt, your capacity for violence, including war, but also domestic violence.” Jenkinson’s TJ is more than just an entertaining impersonation. It’s a vehicle for discussing political theory and the values that shaped our nation—both for the better and for the worse.

Startup. This show documents the origin story of Gimlet Media, founded by Alex Blumberg, former host of NPR’s Planet Money. Blumberg left the public radio world—one of many defectors joining the podcast movement—with the goal of starting his own media company, which he hoped would become the “HBO of podcasting.” As he embarked on this new adventure, Blumberg turned the microphone on himself, his wife, and his co-workers. The result is a trying story of the emotional up and downs of starting one’s own business.

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The Year’s Best Under-the-Radar Podcasts

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Here’s How to Get Rich or Die Podcasting

Mother Jones

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Christoph Hitz

Despite a successful career in public radio, Alex Blumberg says he never showed any “entrepreneurial spunk.” That changed when he left a comfortable post at NPR’s Planet Money and, together with Matt Lieber, began to court venture capitalists to help launch a podcast incubator. The resulting company, Gimlet, has attracted at least 4 million monthly listeners and $1.5 million from investors. Its portfolio of highly produced shows includes StartUp (the first season told the inside story of starting up Gimlet); Reply All, which takes on internet culture; and Mystery Show, in which host Starlee Kine solves seemingly trivial problems. Surprisingly Awesome, the newest show, sets out to make dull topics, like free throws or mold, interesting; it’s the brainchild of Adam Davidson, Blumberg’s former cohost at Planet Money, and filmmaker Adam McKay. Blumberg talked to Mother Jones about the biz.

Mother Jones: Why leave a comfortable job at Planet Money to go off on your own?

Alex Blumberg: I don’t know. Why do we do anything? laughs. I was 40-something years old. I hadn’t shown any entrepreneurial spunk up until that point. I thought that there should be a way of identifying talent and then helping that talent make shows and those shows find audiences. I kept on thinking, well, somebody should do it and waiting around and no one did.

MJ: What did Gimlet look like back when you launched StartUp with Matt Lieber?

AB: We didn’t really have an office. So we had these two business calls, I remember, where we were both walking around the streets of Manhattan on our cell phones like a block apart from each other. Every time a siren would go by, it was just awful. So we finally we paid for a place in an incubator. Two little chairs and a desk. StartUp launched and went pretty well, and that helped us raise the rest of the money.

MJ: You’ve describe Gimlet as “the HBO of podcasting.” What did you mean by that?

AB: Right now, there are lots of podcasts that are cheaper to produce, and many of them are great; I love a great “friends shooting the shit” show. But where there’s an opportunity is in the more highly produced way, where you are reporting and sifting stuff out and cutting, honing things. I come from that. I feel like those take more work and you’re polishing them a little bit longer, fussing with them a lot more. That’s sort of why I said HBO of podcasting: We’re not going to produce tons of it, but the content we produce, we’re going to try and make it stand out in some way.

MJ: Did you expect StartUp to do so well?

AB: I didn’t expect it to strike that kind of chord with the number of listeners that it did. Like, ‘Oh my God, you are describing the journey that I’ve been on making my productivity app,’ or whatever. There are tons of businesses that exist in the United States. An insane number of people who are in business for themselves. And then there are people on board feeling they’re at key early stages of companies. So I think there are a bunch of people who can sort of relate to the feelings of it, but hadn’t really heard those feelings brought out before.

Reply All: “The Man in the FBI Hat”

MJ: What do you learn about your own company’s journey by looking at Dating Ring’s journey, as you did in season two?

AB: We were able to raise money much more quickly than they were. It felt like it took forever at the time, but then talking to Dating Ring and talking to other start-ups—we were a little bit of an anomaly.

The other thing was that being old wasn’t such a bad thing. laughs. When I was 25, I felt all this pressure to succeed, and I’m keenly aware of who’s ahead of me and who was behind me—and it fucks you up! With me being in my 40s, I knew who I was.

MJ: Gimlet started at an interesting time, at this golden era of podcasting—46 million Americans listen to at least one podcast in a given month. Do you think it’s just a fad, or is it here to stay?

AB: Radio was supposed to die in 1945, when TV came along. It turns out that radio grew and grew, and it’s a bigger business today than it has ever been. People really like to listen to other people talk; sometimes listening is the only thing you can do. Audio is the only medium you can consume while you’re multitasking. Now that everybody has a smart phone and everybody’s car is going to be connected, it’s a brand new world.

MJ: What do you think people get from listening instead of reading or watching media?

AB: I think people want companionship. Radiolab is sort of like hanging out with the hosts. They’re like friends you want to have that are like teaching you stuff and they’re telling great stories.

MJ: Public radio has this reputation of having the predominantly white, male voice. How do you plan to tackle diversity at Gimlet?

AB: It’s something that I think about pretty much every day. How do we make it a non-homogenous place technically? Right now, it’s not. Podcasts should look like America. And I feel like, ideally, that’s what you’d want your company to look like. I think that’s right and makes sense from a business perspective.

MJ: How do you guys plan on doing that?

AB: You start to realize why companies in the beginning look the way they do: You’re drawing from your own personal connections when you’re starting something. You see it in small businesses all over. One ethnic group has a store franchise and then like the one that opens is a cousin. When you’re launching a business, you just really want to know somebody deeply to help in how you do it laughs. We recruit people. We’re trying to train people up. We’re reaching out to this interesting alternate world of the non-public radio podcasters who just come to podcasting because they like podcasting.

MJ: What about in terms of the content you produce at Gimlet?

AB: One of the things that I think audio is best at is creating empathy. I know that might sound a little crazy but I actually truly believe it. When you’re hearing somebody and you’re not seeing them, your brain naturally creates a version of them. Then you feel closer to them because you’ve created them. You’re not sitting back and judging them, saying they look different from me on a subconscious level. Some of the shows we’re planning in particular are going to be conversations between all kinds of different people that are a lot about trying to create empathy.

MJ: How did your newest show, Surprisingly Awesome, come about?

AB: I’d worked with Adam Davidson at Planet Money for many years and knew what an incredible talent he is. And also Adam McKay makes really funny movies, and I thought, the show they wanted to do will be in a nice sweet spot for podcasts in general. A lot of people listen to podcasts because they want to learn something and be entertained along the way, and I feel like this is perfectly in that zone.

First episode of Surprisingly Awesome

MJ: What’s a topic that the show would cover?

AB: Free throws. A free throw seems boring but then when you sort of dig into what’s going on and the history and psychology and the social anthropology around the free throw—it’s interesting.

Mystery Show: “Belt Buckle”

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Here’s How to Get Rich or Die Podcasting

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How to Talk About Consent Like a Porn Star

Mother Jones

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For the past several years, porn star James Deen has been at the top of his industry. Known for his mainstream crossover appeal and popularity among women, Deen once told reporter Amanda Hess it was his “nonthreatening, everyday look” that gave him a leg up in the industry. (Indeed, one woman called him “the Ryan Gosling of porn” on Nightline in 2012.) Though he doesn’t identify himself this way, lady mags and news outlets alike labeled him a feminist.

Then, on November 28, porn actor and producer Stoya tweeted that Deen, her former boyfriend, had raped her. The revelation rocked the relatively small adult-film community, and sparked a Bill Cosby-like cascade of allegations—some of which involved on-set incidents. At least 13 women have shared stories so far, ranging from excessive roughness to rape; Deen has since denied the claims.

American pornography, an estimated $10 billion industry, has years of knowledge to contribute to the cultural and legislative debate over how to define sexual consent: According to sexologist Carol Queen, porn has been grappling with these questions for decades. This week, as porn’s practices have come under scrutiny following the allegations against Deen, we decided to ask adult actors, researchers, and advocates about how they handle consent. Here’s what they had to say.

How does the porn industry talk about consent? “There is a more developed everyday conversation about consent that goes on in the industry than you can find anywhere else,” says Constance Penley, who teaches a class on the history of porn at the University of California-Santa Barbara.

The conversation starts during contract negotiations, Penley says, when actors, often represented by agents, agree to the number and gender of partners, the kind of sexual acts, and how much they’ll be paid for a shoot. The formality of the arrangement tends to increase with the size of the production company, ranging from verbal agreements on minor shoots to the three-page “limits” packet that performers fill out for Kink.com, a major producer of BDSM pornography.

Still, consent in a contract is just paperwork. Sovereign Syre, who’s been in the business for six years, says that before every shoot she’s done, she also has talked to her co-stars about boundaries and preferences. The conversation continues throughout the scene. Even directors she’s known for years, Syre says, will ask before tucking in the label on her underwear or rearranging her hair. If, during filming, things get too intense, actors on BDSM shoots use agreed-upon safe words. To stop, “red.” To slow down, “mercy.”

“Being on a porn set, there should be far more room for you to convey those boundaries,” says Cyd Nova, a porn performer, producer, and the program director of the St. James Infirmary, a sex-worker-friendly clinic in San Francisco. Even if someone doesn’t say no or use the safe word, professional adult actors are better equipped to notice when their partners are bothered or unenthusiastic, Nova says. “You’re paid to understand and engage with people sexually.”

Doesn’t money change things? Of course. The mental, emotional, and physical calculus that most people use to determine their sexual boundaries shifts on set, where adult actors also have to consider their income. When they’re under financial pressure, they might feel as if they can’t afford to have a strict “no list.” “When you’ve got $1,000 on the line, there’s a psychology at play that says, ‘I’m willing to do it because I need the money,'” Syre says. Still, “that doesn’t mean that they deserve to be abused.”

It helps to be able to say no. Newcomers to the industry might not know they have that power, or they might be concerned about losing work, explains Conner Habib, vice president of the Adult Performers Advocacy Committee. (APAC is the closest thing porn actors have to a union. Deen resigned from its board after the allegations began to surface, though it’s still headed by his girlfriend). In part, it depends on the director: Most are receptive when performers ask to stop or change the scene, while Habib says others have asked him to reconsider his limits. A few are more insistent. “I’ve said no and had a director be like, ‘You’re not the director,’ and I’ll be like, ‘Yeah, I don’t care,'” Habib says.

Performers also may agree try new sex acts on camera, signing up for more extreme shoots to make extra money, only to realize later that they felt traumatized by whatever they agreed to do, Syre says. “There’s this larger dialogue going on about how can you consent to an act that is dynamic,” she says. “There have been jobs I’ve gone on where I went home and I said, ‘I don’t want to do that again, or I don’t like that person.’ I don’t think I’ve been traumatized by it. But I see that potential.”

Habib says his consent has been violated on camera—it’s just not anything he would label as rape. “I’ve definitely done scenes where I had a performer who just kept sticking his thumb up my ass,” Habib says. He stopped the scene and told the man to quit it. “And then he did it again.” Habib walked away for a few minutes. “When I came back, he said, ‘I just totally forgot.'” They finished the scene, but Habib created what he calls an “inward boundary”: If the man did it again, Habib would quit the shoot. “In my opinion, he’s someone who shouldn’t have worked in porn because he wasn’t able to listen.”

What are porn actors’ options for reporting rape? For now, there’s no protocol for reporting rape aside from going to authorities outside the industry. One obvious option is law enforcement—not an attractive choice for many people facing the stigma of sex work. Tori Lux says she decided not to tell the police that Deen raped her on set because of the common belief that women in porn can’t be assaulted. Likewise, Nicki Blue told the Daily Mail that she was afraid the police wouldn’t believe her story about Deen: “When you’re an adult actress, especially in BDSM, and you go to a cop and say, ‘Oh I’ve been raped by this guy after doing a scene,’ they are not going to take you seriously, like if you were a normal person.”

Alternatively, actors could file reports with the California Occupational Safety and Health Administration, which investigates reports of workplace sexual assault (the industry is based in the San Fernando Valley, with 60 to 70 percent of US adult films shot in Los Angeles county). But several performers told us that battles over mandatory condom regulations have alienated workers from the agency, and Cal/OSHA has not received any sexual-assault complaints from the adult entertainment industry in the last 10 years.

Still, actors who consider reporting sexual assault to their producers and directors may be afraid of backlash, Habib says. A woman identifying herself by her initials, T.M., told LAist that she was afraid talking about Deen would hurt her career; Kora Peters says her agent at the time of her alleged rape told her she should be “honored” that Deen wanted her. The fear of blacklisting isn’t far-fetched, according to Nova: “If you say that you’re assaulted at work, some producers may decide they don’t want to work with you because they see you as a liability.”

In the absence of mechanisms for reporting and accountability on set, performers try to warn each other about actors who push limits—the same kind of rumors some performers reported hearing about Deen. According to Syre, some circles of performers have successfully shut out men who became known for abusing their girlfriends. But for those who are new to the industry or lack connections, word of mouth is “not very foolproof,” Nova says.

How will the Deen allegations affect porn moving forward? It’s difficult to say for sure, though at APAC’s last meeting of performers, directors, and producers, attendees discussed designing a possible industry-wide reporting system. What is clear is that just because porn has its own “best practices” doesn’t mean that people follow them. Even with Kink.com’s limits checklist, Ashley Fires, Nicki Blue, and Lily LaBeau all allege that Deen assaulted them under its supervision. There are rules, and then there are rule breakers—just as in any industry, Penley says. “This does not represent porn,” said Joanna Angel, a prominent alt-porn director and actor who spoke about her past relationship with Deen to radio host Jason Ellis last week. “This represents a specific individual, and I do not want the public to blame porn for anything.”

Yet several industry-specific factors, from the lack of reporting options or the stigma that keeps women from talking to the authorities—or convinces them that speaking out would invite attacks on their community—work to keep many sexual-assault victims in porn silent. “In the absence of people’s legitimate issues being taken seriously and addressed,” Queen says, “people tweet and write blogs and go to the court of public opinion.”

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How to Talk About Consent Like a Porn Star

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Bernie Sanders Calls for a Carbon Tax

Mother Jones

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This story was originally published by the Guardian and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Bernie Sanders will unveil a sweeping new plan to fight climate change on Monday, calling for a carbon tax and an ambitious 40 percent cut in carbon emissions by 2030 to speed the transition to a greener economy.

The Democratic presidential candidate will use the crunch week of the climate change meeting in Paris to try to upstage rivals Hillary Clinton and Martin O’Malley, releasing a 16-page plan aimed at showcasing his green credentials.

The plan goes beyond Barack Obama’s climate pledges, which aim to match the European Union in ambition by calling for a 40 percent cut in carbon emissions by 2030 on 1990 levels, according to a copy of the plan seen by the Guardian. The 1990 starting point is a more demanding target than the current US baseline of 2005.

Sanders will also call for a carbon tax, big investments in energy-saving technologies and renewable power sources, and promise to create 10 million clean energy jobs.

The climate meeting in Paris has attracted an unusual level of attention compared with earlier meetings, as Democrats and Republicans gear up for the first votes in the presidential primaries just over a month away.

A group of 10 Democratic senators flew to Paris to reassure the international community they would defend Obama’s climate plan. In Washington, meanwhile, Republicans in Congress have tried to block a global climate deal by trying to repeal Obama’s plan to cut carbon emissions from power plants.

Sanders’ plan – which will be released as talks aimed at reaching a global agreement to fight climate change kick into a higher gear – will feature the Vermont senator’s “take-no-prisoners” approach to the fossil fuel industry and climate deniers in Congress.

He will call for banning fossil fuel lobbyists from the White House, and ending subsidies to fossil fuel companies.

“Bernie will tax polluters causing the climate crisis, and return billions of dollars to working families to ensure the fossil fuel companies don’t subject us to unfair rate hikes. Bernie knows that climate change will not affect everyone equally,” the plan will say. “The carbon tax will also protect those most impacted by the transformation of our energy system and protect the most vulnerable communities in the country suffering the ravages of climate change.”

Sanders will also promise to keep the pressure on industry for spreading misinformation about climate change, saying he will bring climate deniers to justice.

“It is an embarrassment that Republican politicians, with few exceptions, refuse to even recognize the reality of climate change, let alone are prepared to do anything about it. The reality is that the fossil fuel industry is to blame for much of the climate change skepticism in America,” the plan will say.

And Sanders will not back away from his assertions about climate change as a security threat—despite ridicule from Republican presidential contenders.

“Climate change is the single greatest threat facing our planet,” the plan will say.

Sanders’s call for a ban on new offshore oil drilling and fossil fuel projects on public lands won praise from groups such as Greenpeace and 350.org which have campaigned to keep coal, oil and gas in the ground to prevent dangerous climate change.

“He has broken free of the corporate and 1 percent money that has held back climate policy for far too long,” Annie Leonard, director of Greenpeace US, said in an emailed statement.

The plan appeared to be an attempt to regain ground lost to Clinton, as she took more ambitious positions on climate change.

Sanders was stung in November when the League of Conservation Voters delivered an early endorsement of Clinton – even though he scored far higher than the secretary of state in the campaign group’s green ranking score card.

Since the start of the campaign, the three Democratic presidential contenders have tried to outdo one another on their commitment to fighting climate change —making a striking contrast with Republican presidential candidates who deny climate change is occurring.

All three Democratic candidates have promised more ambitious climate actions than Obama.

O’Malley was the first off the blocks, unveiling his climate agenda in June in an opinion piece in USA Today, and continues to claim the strongest position by calling for a complete phase-out of fossil fuels by 2050.

Clinton meanwhile has slowly edged towards a stronger position on climate change as the campaign progressed, belatedly coming out against the controversial Keystone XL pipeline and hunting for oil in Arctic waters. She moved to outflank Obama on his renewable energy plan by calling for the US to get 33 percent of its electricity from clean energy by 2027.

Climate change occupies a far higher profile in the 2016 Democratic presidential primaries than earlier contests—in part because of Obama’s focus on the environment in his second term in the White House.

Democratic operatives see climate change as a potential wedge issue—a chance to paint Republicans as anti-science and out-of-touch for rejecting the science behind climate change.

Originally posted here – 

Bernie Sanders Calls for a Carbon Tax

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Big Recessions Are Good For Right-Wing Politics

Mother Jones

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I guess today is David Dayen day. Over at the New Republic, he points me to an interesting new historical study of systemic banking crises. Here’s what happens when the financial system implodes:

Both before and after WWII, the authors find the same dynamic: the voting share of far-right parties increases by about a third and national legislatures become more fractured and dysfunctional. This doesn’t happen after normal recessions. Only after major recessions caused by a banking crisis.

Why? The authors are unsure. One possible explanation, they say, is that financial crises “may have social repercussions that are not observable after non-financial recessions. For example, it is possible that the disputes between creditors and debtors are uglier or that inequality rises more strongly….Financial crises typically involve bailouts for the financial sector and these are highly unpopular, which may result in greater political dissatisfaction.” Or maybe this: “After a crisis, voters seem to be particularly attracted to the political rhetoric of the extreme right, which often attributes blame to minorities or foreigners.”

Since we’re guessing here, I’ll add my two cents. People are, in general, more generous when times are good. Policywise, they’re more likely to approve of safety net programs that help the poor, which are generally associated with the left. But when times turn bad, people get scared and mean—and the longer the bad times last, the meaner they get. When people have lost their jobs, or had their hours cut, or seen the value of their home crash, they’re just not as sympathetic to helping out the poor. They’re looking out for their own families instead.

Politically, the result of this is pretty obvious. Liberal parties think that bad times are precisely when the poor need the most help, so they propose more social spending. Right-wing parties, by contrast, oppose increased spending.

In public, this usually isn’t framed as support or opposition to doling out money to the poor. Liberals talk about stimulus and countercyclical spending. Conservatives talk about massive budget deficits and skyrocketing government outlays. But it doesn’t really matter. What people hear is that liberals want to spend more on the poor and conservatives don’t. When people are feeling vulnerable and mean, the conservative message resonates with them.

From a practical policy standpoint, this makes little sense. Liberals are right that recessions are the best time to spend more on safety-net programs, both because the poor need the help and because it acts as useful stimulus. But human nature doesn’t work that way, and conservatives have the better read on that.

So what’s the answer? Dayen suggests that banks and bank bailouts are central to this dynamic, so we need to take a meat axe to the political power of the financial sector. I’m all for that. But my guess is that this isn’t really key. I think people just get scared when times are bad, and hate the idea of their tax dollars going to other people. This means the answer is to assuage both their financial anxiety and their perception that their money is being spent on the poor. So how about something that dramatically makes this point? Say, a one-year income tax holiday for everyone making less than $70,000 coupled with explicit promises to increase the deficit and help the poor. The tax holiday could be extended year by year as necessary, or phased out gradually.

Why something like this? Because it puts more money in everyone’s pocket and reduces their angst over money matters. It also makes it crystal clear that their money isn’t being spent on the poor. They aren’t paying any taxes, after all. Under those circumstances, helping out the poor would probably strike most people as a lovely idea.

Obviously conservatives would still oppose this, and the tax holiday wouldn’t last forever. Still, it’s worth a thought. You need something dramatic to cut through people’s fears, and this might do it.

Continued:  

Big Recessions Are Good For Right-Wing Politics

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BOLD: 212 Charisma and Small Talk Tips to Engage, Charm and Leave a Lasting Impression – Irvin Finau

READ GREEN WITH E-BOOKS

BOLD: 212 Charisma and Small Talk Tips to Engage, Charm and Leave a Lasting Impression

Irvin Finau

Genre: Self-Improvement

Price: $0.99

Publish Date: July 20, 2015

Publisher: Callisto Media Inc.

Seller: Callisto Media, Inc.


Learn how to be charismatic from a book with charisma Being charismatic is the holy grail of personality skills. But charisma is also one of the most challenging traits to develop and hone. Unlike other books on charisma, BOLD doesn’t tell you who to be. It tells you what to do and shows you how to do it. BOLD features a comprehensive and actually habit-forming list of tips, tricks and techniques that will turn you into a social genius, a master of the conversation, and an expert in attracting other people’s praise. And with its visual format and use of cartoons, jokes, and quotes, you will enjoy coming back to it again and again as you become the very definition of charisma.

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BOLD: 212 Charisma and Small Talk Tips to Engage, Charm and Leave a Lasting Impression – Irvin Finau

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The Woman Who Created "Transparent" Wants You to "Borrow White Male Privilege"

Mother Jones

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FOR TV WRITER and director Jill Soloway, making good television was never enough. “I used to go on pitch meetings and say, ‘I want to write something that’s never been written before, something that’s going to change the world,'” she said at a recent panel. After attracting attention with zany theater experiments, the Chicago-born writer was plucked to work on shows like HBO’s Six Feet Under and Showtime’s United States of Tara.

But her breakthrough arrived when Amazon bought her series, Transparent. Equal parts comedy and melancholy drama, the show follows the three Pfefferman children, who are stumbling to find their truest selves as their father (played by Jeffrey Tambor) transitions into a woman named Maura. Transparent’s much anticipated second season will premiere in December to a more trans-aware culture, one that has largely embraced Caitlyn Jenner and witnessed the hiring of the White House’s first transgender employee. Soloway, 50, deserves some props for this momentum. In 2015, Transparent took home two Golden Globes and five Emmys, including one for directing. But for Soloway, whose own father, or “moppa,” came out as transgender at the age of 75, “to feel like it’s for a larger cause is the most exciting part of all of this.”

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The Woman Who Created "Transparent" Wants You to "Borrow White Male Privilege"

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